Daily Papers

Language models are typically trained on large corpora of text in their default orthographic form. However, this is not the only option; representing data as streams of phonemes can offer unique advantages, from deeper insights into phonological language acquisition to improved performance on sound-based tasks. The challenge lies in evaluating the impact of phoneme-based training, as most benchmarks are also orthographic. To address this, we develop a pipeline to convert text datasets into a continuous stream of phonemes. We apply this pipeline to the 100-million-word pre-training dataset from the BabyLM challenge, as well as to standard language and grammatical benchmarks, enabling us to pre-train and evaluate a model using phonemic input representations. Our results show that while phoneme-based training slightly reduces performance on traditional language understanding tasks, it offers valuable analytical and practical benefits.

Cross-linguistically, native words and loanwords follow different phonological rules. In English, for example, words of Germanic and Latinate origin exhibit different stress patterns, and a certain syntactic structure, double-object datives, is predominantly associated with Germanic verbs rather than Latinate verbs. From the perspective of language acquisition, however, such etymology-based generalizations raise learnability concerns, since the historical origins of words are presumably inaccessible information for general language learners. In this study, we present computational evidence indicating that the Germanic-Latinate distinction in the English lexicon is learnable from the phonotactic information of individual words. Specifically, we performed an unsupervised clustering on corpus-extracted words, and the resulting word clusters largely aligned with the etymological distinction. The model-discovered clusters also recovered various linguistic generalizations documented in the previous literature regarding the corresponding etymological classes. Moreover, our model also uncovered previously unrecognized features of the quasi-etymological clusters. Taken together with prior results from Japanese, our findings indicate that the proposed method provides a general, cross-linguistic approach to discovering etymological structure from phonotactic cues in the lexicon.

Language models provide a key framework for studying linguistic theories based on prediction, but phonological analysis using large language models (LLMs) is difficult; there are few phonological benchmarks beyond English and the standard input representation used in LLMs (subwords of graphemes) is not suitable for analyzing the representation of phonemes. In this work, we demonstrate how word segmentation can be used as a phonological probing task, allowing us to study the representations learned by phoneme-based language models trained on child-directed speech across 31 languages. Following computational models of word segmentation, we present unsupervised methods for extracting word boundaries from a trained model using the observation that prediction-error peaks at the start of words. We also use linear probes to identify that these models implicitly track word boundaries, even when they do not appear in training. This cross-lingual work corroborates statistical learning theories of acquisition and empirically motivates new methods for training subword tokenizers.

This work develops a probabilistic child language acquisition model to learn a range of linguistic phenonmena, most notably long-range syntactic dependencies of the sort found in object wh-questions, among other constructions. The model is trained on a corpus of real child-directed speech, where each utterance is paired with a logical form as a meaning representation. It then learns both word meanings and language-specific syntax simultaneously. After training, the model can deduce the correct parse tree and word meanings for a given utterance-meaning pair, and can infer the meaning if given only the utterance. The successful modelling of long-range dependencies is theoretically important because it exploits aspects of the model that are, in general, trans-context-free.

Curriculum Learning has been a popular strategy to improve the cognitive plausibility of Small-Scale Language Models (SSLMs) in the BabyLM Challenge. However, it has not led to considerable improvements over non-curriculum models. We assess whether theoretical linguistic acquisition theories can be used to specify more fine-grained curriculum learning strategies, creating age-ordered corpora of Child-Directed Speech for four typologically distant language families to implement SSLMs and acquisition-inspired curricula cross-lingually. Comparing the success of three objective curricula (Growing, Inwards and MMM) that precisely replicate the predictions of acquisition theories on a standard SSLM architecture, we find fine-grained acquisition-inspired curricula can outperform non-curriculum baselines and performance benefits of curricula strategies in SSLMs can be derived by specifying fine-grained language-specific curricula that precisely replicate language acquisition theories.

Self-supervised techniques for learning speech representations have been shown to develop linguistic competence from exposure to speech without the need for human labels. In order to fully realize the potential of these approaches and further our understanding of how infants learn language, simulations must closely emulate real-life situations by training on developmentally plausible corpora and benchmarking against appropriate test sets. To this end, we propose a language-acquisition-friendly benchmark to probe spoken language models at the lexical and syntactic levels, both of which are compatible with the vocabulary typical of children's language experiences. This paper introduces the benchmark and summarizes a range of experiments showing its usefulness. In addition, we highlight two exciting challenges that need to be addressed for further progress: bridging the gap between text and speech and between clean speech and in-the-wild speech.

In this paper, we introduce two resources: (i) G2P+, a tool for converting orthographic datasets to a consistent phonemic representation; and (ii) IPA CHILDES, a phonemic dataset of child-centered speech across 31 languages. Prior tools for grapheme-to-phoneme conversion result in phonemic vocabularies that are inconsistent with established phonemic inventories, an issue which G2P+ addresses by leveraging the inventories in the Phoible database. Using this tool, we augment CHILDES with phonemic transcriptions to produce IPA CHILDES. This new resource fills several gaps in existing phonemic datasets, which often lack multilingual coverage, spontaneous speech, and a focus on child-directed language. We demonstrate the utility of this dataset for phonological research by training phoneme language models on 11 languages and probing them for distinctive features, finding that the distributional properties of phonemes are sufficient to learn major class and place features cross-lingually.

Cross-linguistic effects are a central topic in bilingual first-language acquisition. Artificial learners can help investigate L1-L2 interactions by enabling controlled comparisons across language combinations and learning conditions. Recent work explores this direction by training bilingual language models under developmentally plausible constraints. However, human and model learners still diverge in fundamental ways, with one major difference being input modality: children learn primarily from spoken input, whereas language models are typically trained on orthographic text. To reduce this gap, researchers have trained models on phonemic representations of speech. In this work, we combine these research directions to train bilingual BabyLMs with phonemic input. We keep English fixed as the L2 and vary the L1 across German, Swedish, Persian, and Basque, selected to represent contrasting combinations of syntactic and phoneme-inventory distance from English. Our results show stronger L1-related variation in grammatical learning trajectories under phonemic than orthographic input, while early lexical differences align with phoneme-inventory similarity.

We analyze the influence of utterance-level construction distributions in German child-directed speech on the resulting formal linguistic competence and the underlying learning trajectories for small language models trained on a novel collection of developmentally plausible language data for German. We find that trajectories are surprisingly robust for markedly different distributions of constructions in the training data, which have little effect on final accuracies and almost no effect on global learning trajectories. While syntax learning benefits from more complex utterances, lexical learning culminates in better scores with more fragmentary data. We argue that LMs trained on developmentally plausible data can contribute to debates on how rich or impoverished linguistic stimuli actually are.

Semantic and syntactic bootstrapping posit that children use their prior knowledge of one linguistic domain, say syntactic relations, to help later acquire another, such as the meanings of new words. Empirical results supporting both theories may tempt us to believe that these are different learning strategies, where one may precede the other. Here, we argue that they are instead both contingent on a more general learning strategy for language acquisition: joint learning. Using a series of neural visually-grounded grammar induction models, we demonstrate that both syntactic and semantic bootstrapping effects are strongest when syntax and semantics are learnt simultaneously. Joint learning results in better grammar induction, realistic lexical category learning, and better interpretations of novel sentence and verb meanings. Joint learning makes language acquisition easier for learners by mutually constraining the hypotheses spaces for both syntax and semantics. Studying the dynamics of joint inference over many input sources and modalities represents an important new direction for language modeling and learning research in both cognitive sciences and AI, as it may help us explain how language can be acquired in more constrained learning settings.

While behaviors of pretrained language models (LMs) have been thoroughly examined, what happened during pretraining is rarely studied. We thus investigate the developmental process from a set of randomly initialized parameters to a totipotent language model, which we refer to as the embryology of a pretrained language model. Our results show that ALBERT learns to reconstruct and predict tokens of different parts of speech (POS) in different learning speeds during pretraining. We also find that linguistic knowledge and world knowledge do not generally improve as pretraining proceeds, nor do downstream tasks' performance. These findings suggest that knowledge of a pretrained model varies during pretraining, and having more pretrain steps does not necessarily provide a model with more comprehensive knowledge. We will provide source codes and pretrained models to reproduce our results at https://github.com/d223302/albert-embryology.

How do humans learn language, and can the first language be learned at all? These fundamental questions are still hotly debated. In contemporary linguistics, there are two major schools of thought that give completely opposite answers. According to Chomsky's theory of universal grammar, language cannot be learned because children are not exposed to sufficient data in their linguistic environment. In contrast, usage-based models of language assume a profound relationship between language structure and language use. In particular, contextual mental processing and mental representations are assumed to have the cognitive capacity to capture the complexity of actual language use at all levels. The prime example is syntax, i.e., the rules by which words are assembled into larger units such as sentences. Typically, syntactic rules are expressed as sequences of word classes. However, it remains unclear whether word classes are innate, as implied by universal grammar, or whether they emerge during language acquisition, as suggested by usage-based approaches. Here, we address this issue from a machine learning and natural language processing perspective. In particular, we trained an artificial deep neural network on predicting the next word, provided sequences of consecutive words as input. Subsequently, we analyzed the emerging activation patterns in the hidden layers of the neural network. Strikingly, we find that the internal representations of nine-word input sequences cluster according to the word class of the tenth word to be predicted as output, even though the neural network did not receive any explicit information about syntactic rules or word classes during training. This surprising result suggests, that also in the human brain, abstract representational categories such as word classes may naturally emerge as a consequence of predictive coding and processing during language acquisition.

Spoken communication occurs in a "noisy channel" characterized by high levels of environmental noise, variability within and between speakers, and lexical and syntactic ambiguity. Given these properties of the received linguistic input, robust spoken word recognition -- and language processing more generally -- relies heavily on listeners' prior knowledge to evaluate whether candidate interpretations of that input are more or less likely. Here we compare several broad-coverage probabilistic generative language models in their ability to capture human linguistic expectations. Serial reproduction, an experimental paradigm where spoken utterances are reproduced by successive participants similar to the children's game of "Telephone," is used to elicit a sample that reflects the linguistic expectations of English-speaking adults. When we evaluate a suite of probabilistic generative language models against the yielded chains of utterances, we find that those models that make use of abstract representations of preceding linguistic context (i.e., phrase structure) best predict the changes made by people in the course of serial reproduction. A logistic regression model predicting which words in an utterance are most likely to be lost or changed in the course of spoken transmission corroborates this result. We interpret these findings in light of research highlighting the interaction of memory-based constraints and representations in language processing.

Infant-directed speech (IDS) has distinctive properties that differ from adult-directed speech (ADS). Why it has these properties -- and whether they are intended to facilitate language learning -- is matter of contention. We argue that much of this disagreement stems from lack of a formal, guiding theory of how phonetic categories should best be taught to infant-like learners. In the absence of such a theory, researchers have relied on intuitions about learning to guide the argument. We use a formal theory of teaching, validated through experiments in other domains, as the basis for a detailed analysis of whether IDS is well-designed for teaching phonetic categories. Using the theory, we generate ideal data for teaching phonetic categories in English. We qualitatively compare the simulated teaching data with human IDS, finding that the teaching data exhibit many features of IDS, including some that have been taken as evidence IDS is not for teaching. The simulated data reveal potential pitfalls for experimentalists exploring the role of IDS in language learning. Focusing on different formants and phoneme sets leads to different conclusions, and the benefit of the teaching data to learners is not apparent until a sufficient number of examples have been provided. Finally, we investigate transfer of IDS to learning ADS. The teaching data improves classification of ADS data, but only for the learner they were generated to teach; not universally across all classes of learner. This research offers a theoretically-grounded framework that empowers experimentalists to systematically evaluate whether IDS is for teaching.

Interpretability research has shown that self-supervised Spoken Language Models (SLMs) encode a wide variety of features in human speech from the acoustic, phonetic, phonological, syntactic and semantic levels, to speaker characteristics. The bulk of prior research on representations of phonology has focused on segmental features such as phonemes; the encoding of suprasegmental phonology (such as tone and stress patterns) in SLMs is not yet well understood. Tone is a suprasegmental feature that is present in more than half of the world's languages. This paper aims to analyze the tone encoding capabilities of SLMs, using Mandarin and Vietnamese as case studies. We show that SLMs encode lexical tone to a significant degree even when they are trained on data from non-tonal languages. We further find that SLMs behave similarly to native and non-native human participants in tone and consonant perception studies, but they do not follow the same developmental trajectory.

The success of neural language models (LMs) on many technological tasks has brought about their potential relevance as scientific theories of language despite some clear differences between LM training and child language acquisition. In this paper we argue that some of the most prominent benchmarks for evaluating the syntactic capacities of LMs may not be sufficiently rigorous. In particular, we show that the template-based benchmarks lack the structural diversity commonly found in the theoretical and psychological studies of language. When trained on small-scale data modeling child language acquisition, the LMs can be readily matched by simple baseline models. We advocate for the use of the readily available, carefully curated datasets that have been evaluated for gradient acceptability by large pools of native speakers and are designed to probe the structural basis of grammar specifically. On one such dataset, the LI-Adger dataset, LMs evaluate sentences in a way inconsistent with human language users. We conclude with suggestions for better connecting LMs with the empirical study of child language acquisition.

To understand why self-supervised learning (SSL) models have empirically achieved strong performances on several speech-processing downstream tasks, numerous studies have focused on analyzing the encoded information of the SSL layer representations in adult speech. Limited work has investigated how pre-training and fine-tuning affect SSL models encoding children's speech and vocalizations. In this study, we aim to bridge this gap by probing SSL models on two relevant downstream tasks: (1) phoneme recognition (PR) on the speech of adults, older children (8-10 years old), and younger children (1-4 years old), and (2) vocalization classification (VC) distinguishing cry, fuss, and babble for infants under 14 months old. For younger children's PR, the superiority of fine-tuned SSL models is largely due to their ability to learn features that represent older children's speech and then adapt those features to the speech of younger children. For infant VC, SSL models pre-trained on large-scale home recordings learn to leverage phonetic representations at middle layers, and thereby enhance the performance of this task.

Syntactic bootstrapping (Gleitman, 1990) is the hypothesis that children use the syntactic environments in which a verb occurs to learn its meaning. In this paper, we examine whether large language models exhibit a similar behavior. We do this by training RoBERTa and GPT-2 on perturbed datasets where syntactic information is ablated. Our results show that models' verb representation degrades more when syntactic cues are removed than when co-occurrence information is removed. Furthermore, the representation of mental verbs, for which syntactic bootstrapping has been shown to be particularly crucial in human verb learning, is more negatively impacted in such training regimes than physical verbs. In contrast, models' representation of nouns is affected more when co-occurrences are distorted than when syntax is distorted. In addition to reinforcing the important role of syntactic bootstrapping in verb learning, our results demonstrated the viability of testing developmental hypotheses on a larger scale through manipulating the learning environments of large language models.

Neural network language models (LMs) have been shown to successfully capture complex linguistic knowledge. However, their utility for understanding language acquisition is still debated. We contribute to this debate by presenting a case study where we use LMs as simulated learners to derive novel experimental hypotheses to be tested with humans. We apply this paradigm to study cross-dative generalization (CDG): productive generalization of novel verbs across dative constructions (she pilked me the ball/she pilked the ball to me) -- acquisition of which is known to involve a large space of contextual features -- using LMs trained on child-directed speech. We specifically ask: "what properties of the training exposure facilitate a novel verb's generalization to the (unmodeled) alternate construction?" To answer this, we systematically vary the exposure context in which a novel dative verb occurs in terms of the properties of the theme and recipient, and then analyze the LMs' usage of the novel verb in the unmodeled dative construction. We find LMs to replicate known patterns of children's CDG, as a precondition to exploring novel hypotheses. Subsequent simulations reveal a nuanced role of the features of the novel verbs' exposure context on the LMs' CDG. We find CDG to be facilitated when the first postverbal argument of the exposure context is pronominal, definite, short, and conforms to the prototypical animacy expectations of the exposure dative. These patterns are characteristic of harmonic alignment in datives, where the argument with features ranking higher on the discourse prominence scale tends to precede the other. This gives rise to a novel hypothesis that CDG is facilitated insofar as the features of the exposure context -- in particular, its first postverbal argument -- are harmonically aligned. We conclude by proposing future experiments that can test this hypothesis in children.

Phoneme-level models transcribe or generate speech as a sequence of phonemes, the smallest sound units that distinguish words. These models enable fine-grained pronunciation control and understanding, yet often fail on input that does not match any single training language, such as speech alternating between two languages, known as code-switching, or low-resource languages absent from training. We identify a systematic failure mode behind this, phonological interference: models assume the input is in a single language and impose its phonology, overriding local phoneme-level decisions that conflict with the assumed language. We measure interference by how often a model retains phonemes that one language has but the other lacks. On code-switched input, two phone recognizers (speech-to-phoneme models) and a phoneme-conditioned text-to-speech model lose 32% to 79% of these phonemes, but lose far fewer of the phonemes both languages share. On unseen languages, we find that phone recognizers impose the phonology of the training language they assign to the speech, and the more confident the assignment, the more they lose phonemes the unseen language has but the assigned language lacks. We probe the models' language estimate from their internal activations, and trace interference to a low dimensional subspace. On monolingual speech, steering this subspace toward another language makes the model lose the phonemes that only the original language uses and produce phonemes that only the target language has. We introduce windowed language estimation (WLE), an inference time repair that replaces the model's language estimate in this subspace with one computed from a short window around each position. On code-switched input, WLE removes 34% to 69% of the interference in all three models, and in the recognizers it leaves monolingual performance essentially unchanged.

The learning trajectories of linguistic phenomena in humans provide insight into linguistic representation, beyond what can be gleaned from inspecting the behavior of an adult speaker. To apply a similar approach to analyze neural language models (NLM), it is first necessary to establish that different models are similar enough in the generalizations they make. In this paper, we show that NLMs with different initialization, architecture, and training data acquire linguistic phenomena in a similar order, despite their different end performance. These findings suggest that there is some mutual inductive bias that underlies these models' learning of linguistic phenomena. Taking inspiration from psycholinguistics, we argue that studying this inductive bias is an opportunity to study the linguistic representation implicit in NLMs. Leveraging these findings, we compare the relative performance on different phenomena at varying learning stages with simpler reference models. Results suggest that NLMs exhibit consistent "developmental" stages. Moreover, we find the learning trajectory to be approximately one-dimensional: given an NLM with a certain overall performance, it is possible to predict what linguistic generalizations it has already acquired. Initial analysis of these stages presents phenomena clusters (notably morphological ones), whose performance progresses in unison, suggesting a potential link between the generalizations behind them.

We study word learning in subword and character language models with the psycholinguistic lexical decision task. While subword LMs struggle to discern words and non-words with high accuracy, character LMs solve this task easily and consistently. Furthermore, when comparing word learning and syntactic learning, both processes are separable in character LM where word learning predates syntactic learning, whereas these processes are simultaneous in subword LM. This raises questions about the adequacy of subword LMs for modeling language acquisition and positions character LMs as a viable alternative.

Recent work investigates whether LMs learn human-like linguistic generalizations and representations from developmentally plausible amounts of data. Yet, the basic linguistic units processed in these LMs are determined by subword-based tokenization, which limits their validity as models of learning at and below the word level. In this paper, we explore the potential of tokenization-free, phoneme- and grapheme-based language models. We demonstrate that small models based on the Llama architecture can achieve strong linguistic performance on standard syntactic and novel lexical/phonetic benchmarks when trained with character-level vocabularies. We further show that phoneme-based models almost match grapheme-based models in standard tasks and novel evaluations. Our findings suggest a promising direction for creating more linguistically plausible language models that are better suited for computational studies of language acquisition and processing.

This paper examines how linguistic similarity affects cross-lingual phonetic representation in speech processing for low-resource languages, emphasizing effective source language selection. Previous cross-lingual research has used various source languages to enhance performance for the target low-resource language without thorough consideration of selection. Our study stands out by providing an in-depth analysis of language selection, supported by a practical approach to assess phonetic proximity among multiple language families. We investigate how within-family similarity impacts performance in multilingual training, which aids in understanding language dynamics. We also evaluate the effect of using phonologically similar languages, regardless of family. For the phoneme recognition task, utilizing phonologically similar languages consistently achieves a relative improvement of 55.6% over monolingual training, even surpassing the performance of a large-scale self-supervised learning model. Multilingual training within the same language family demonstrates that higher phonological similarity enhances performance, while lower similarity results in degraded performance compared to monolingual training.

Spontaneous conversations in real-world settings such as those found in child-centered recordings have been shown to be amongst the most challenging audio files to process. Nevertheless, building speech processing models handling such a wide variety of conditions would be particularly useful for language acquisition studies in which researchers are interested in the quantity and quality of the speech that children hear and produce, as well as for early diagnosis and measuring effects of remediation. In this paper, we present our approach to designing an open-source neural network to classify audio segments into vocalizations produced by the child wearing the recording device, vocalizations produced by other children, adult male speech, and adult female speech. To this end, we gathered diverse child-centered corpora which sums up to a total of 260 hours of recordings and covers 10 languages. Our model can be used as input for downstream tasks such as estimating the number of words produced by adult speakers, or the number of linguistic units produced by children. Our architecture combines SincNet filters with a stack of recurrent layers and outperforms by a large margin the state-of-the-art system, the Language ENvironment Analysis (LENA) that has been used in numerous child language studies.

An ability that underlies human syntactic knowledge is determining which words can appear in the similar structures (i.e. grouping words by their syntactic categories). These groupings enable humans to combine structures in order to communicate complex meanings. A foundational question is how do children acquire this ability underlying syntactic knowledge. In exploring this process, we will review various engineering approaches whose goal is similar to that of a child's -- without prior syntactic knowledge, correctly identify the parts of speech (POS) of the words in a sample of text. In reviewing these unsupervised tagging efforts, we will discuss common themes that support the advances in the models and their relevance for language acquisition. For example, we discuss how each model judges success (evaluation metrics), the "additional information" that constrains the POS learning (such as orthographic information), and the context used to determine POS (only previous word, words before and after the target, etc). The identified themes pave the way for future investigations into the cognitive processes that underpin the acquisition of syntactic categories and provide a useful layout of current state of the art unsupervised POS tagging models.

This paper presents BAMBI (BAby language Models Boostrapped for Italian), a series of Baby Language Models (BabyLMs) trained on data that mimic the linguistic input received by a five-year-old Italian-speaking child. The BAMBI models are tested using a benchmark specifically designed to evaluate language models, which takes into account the amount of training input the models received. The BAMBI models are compared against a large language model (LLM) and a multimodal language model (VLM) to study the contribution of extralinguistic information for language acquisition. The results of our evaluation align with the existing literature on English language models, confirming that while reduced training data support the development of relatively robust syntactic competence, they are insufficient for fostering semantic understanding. However, the gap between the training resources (data and computation) of the BAMBI models and the LLMs is not fully reflected in their performance: despite LLMs' massive training, their performance is not much better than that of BAMBI models. This suggests that strategies beyond scaling training resources, such as data curation, inclusion of multimodal input, and other training strategies such as curriculum learning, could play a crucial role in shaping model performance.

What insights can machine learning bring to understanding human language acquisition? Large language and multimodal models have achieved remarkable capabilities, but their reliance on massive training datasets creates a fundamental mismatch with children, who succeed in acquiring language from comparatively limited input. To help bridge this gap, researchers have increasingly trained neural networks using data similar in quantity and quality to children's input. Taking this approach to the limit, Vong et al. (2024) showed that a multimodal neural network trained on 61 hours of visual and linguistic input extracted from just one child's developmental experience could acquire word-referent mappings. However, whether this approach's success reflects the idiosyncrasies of a single child's experience, or whether it would show consistent and robust learning patterns across multiple children's experiences was not explored. In this article, we applied automated speech transcription methods to the entirety of the SAYCam dataset, consisting of over 500 hours of video data spread across all three children. Using these automated transcriptions, we generated multi-modal vision-and-language datasets for both training and evaluation, and explored a range of neural network configurations to examine the robustness of simulated word learning. Our findings demonstrate that networks trained on automatically transcribed data from each child can acquire word-referent mappings, generalizing across videos, children, and image domains. These results validate the robustness of multimodal neural networks for grounded word learning, while highlighting the individual differences that emerge in how models learn when trained on each child's developmental experiences.

We describe our team's contribution to the STRICT-SMALL track of the BabyLM Challenge. The challenge requires training a language model from scratch using only a relatively small training dataset of ten million words. We experiment with three variants of cognitively-motivated curriculum learning and analyze their effect on the performance of the model on linguistic evaluation tasks. In the vocabulary curriculum, we analyze methods for constraining the vocabulary in the early stages of training to simulate cognitively more plausible learning curves. In the data curriculum experiments, we vary the order of the training instances based on i) infant-inspired expectations and ii) the learning behavior of the model. In the objective curriculum, we explore different variations of combining the conventional masked language modeling task with a more coarse-grained word class prediction task to reinforce linguistic generalization capabilities. Our results did not yield consistent improvements over our own non-curriculum learning baseline across a range of linguistic benchmarks; however, we do find marginal gains on select tasks. Our analysis highlights key takeaways for specific combinations of tasks and settings which benefit from our proposed curricula. We moreover determine that careful selection of model architecture, and training hyper-parameters yield substantial improvements over the default baselines provided by the BabyLM challenge.

Self-supervised speech models (S3Ms) are known to encode rich phonetic information, yet how this information is structured remains underexplored. We conduct a comprehensive study across 96 languages to analyze the underlying structure of S3M representations, with particular attention to phonological vectors. We first show that there exist linear directions within the model's representation space that correspond to phonological features. We further demonstrate that the scale of these phonological vectors correlate to the degree of acoustic realization of their corresponding phonological features in a continuous manner. For example, the difference between [d] and [t] yields a voicing vector: adding this vector to [p] produces [b], while scaling it results in a continuum of voicing. Together, these findings indicate that S3Ms encode speech using phonologically interpretable and compositional vectors, demonstrating phonological vector arithmetic. All code and interactive demos are available at https://github.com/juice500ml/phonetic-arithmetic .

We present the first systematic investigation of Martin's Law - the empirical relationship between word frequency and polysemy - in text generated by neural language models during training. Using DBSCAN clustering of contextualized embeddings as an operationalization of word senses, we analyze four Pythia models (70M-1B parameters) across 30 training checkpoints. Our results reveal a non-monotonic developmental trajectory: Martin's Law emerges around checkpoint 100, reaches peak correlation (r > 0.6) at checkpoint 104, then degrades by checkpoint 105. Smaller models (70M, 160M) experience catastrophic semantic collapse at late checkpoints, while larger models (410M, 1B) show graceful degradation. The frequency-specificity trade-off remains stable (r approx -0.3) across all models. These findings suggest that compliance with linguistic regularities in LLM-generated text is not monotonically increasing with training, but instead follows a balanced trajectory with an optimal semantic window. This work establishes a novel methodology for evaluating emergent linguistic structure in neural language models.

Multilingualism is incredibly common around the world, leading to many important theoretical and practical questions about how children learn multiple languages at once. For example, does multilingual acquisition lead to delays in learning? Are there better and worse ways to structure multilingual input? Many correlational studies address these questions, but it is surprisingly difficult to get definitive answers because children cannot be randomly assigned to be multilingual and data are typically not matched between languages. We use language model training as a method for simulating a variety of highly controlled exposure conditions, and create matched 100M-word mono- and bilingual datasets using synthetic data and machine translation. We train GPT-2 models on monolingual and bilingual data organized to reflect a range of exposure regimes, and evaluate their performance on perplexity, grammaticality, and semantic knowledge. Across model scales and measures, bilingual models perform similarly to monolingual models in one language, but show strong performance in the second language as well. These results suggest that there are no strong differences between different bilingual exposure regimes, and that bilingual input poses no in-principle challenges for agnostic statistical learners.

Phonological features provide a language-general and linguistically grounded representation of speech. We present PhonoQ-2.0, a multilingual frame-level phonological feature recognizer built on self-supervised speech models. The system directly predicts a structured 22-dimensional feature vector per frame encoding manner, vowel quality, place, and voicing, instead of deriving features from phoneme outputs. To ensure phonologically coherent predictions, we introduce a manner-conditioned gating mechanism that activates valid feature groups. Evaluated across multiple languages and corpora, PhonoQ-2.0 achieves an average macro-F1 of 91.3% in-domain and 88.9% out-of-domain. Compared to a strong CTC phoneme baseline, it delivers consistent gains of +8.8 F1 in-domain and +8.6 out-of-domain on average. In unseen-language evaluation, PhonoQ-2.0 improves macro-F1 from 66.9% to 73.6% (+6.7 on average), with gains of up to +10.8 points.

While high-performing language models are typically trained on hundreds of billions of words, human children become fluent language users with a much smaller amount of data. What are the features of the data they receive, and how do these features support language modeling objectives? To investigate this question, we train GPT-2 and RoBERTa models on 29M words of English child-directed speech and a new matched, synthetic dataset (TinyDialogues), comparing to OpenSubtitles, Wikipedia, and a heterogeneous blend of datasets from the BabyLM challenge. We evaluate the syntactic and semantic knowledge of these models using developmentally-inspired evaluations. Through pretraining experiments, we test whether the global developmental ordering or the local discourse ordering of children's training data supports high performance relative to other datasets. The local properties of the data affect model results, but surprisingly, global properties do not. Further, child language input is not uniquely valuable for training language models. These findings support the hypothesis that, rather than proceeding from better data, the child's learning algorithm is substantially more data-efficient than current language modeling techniques.

Recent studies have addressed intricate phonological phenomena in French, relying on either extensive linguistic knowledge or a significant amount of sentence-level pronunciation data. However, creating such resources is expensive and non-trivial. To this end, we propose a novel two-step approach that encompasses two pronunciation tasks: grapheme-to-phoneme and post-lexical processing. We then investigate the efficacy of the proposed approach with a notably limited amount of sentence-level pronunciation data. Our findings demonstrate that the proposed two-step approach effectively mitigates the lack of extensive labeled data, and serves as a feasible solution for addressing French phonological phenomena even under resource-constrained environments.

One of the most central aspects of language processing is the ability to trade off between stored representations and abstract knowledge: one must retrieve stored representations, but also generate novel ones by applying productive rules. While recent work has examined abstract knowledge in language models, holistic storage has received far less attention. We probe internal representations in both text-based LLMs and an ASR model, testing whether V+up phrasal verbs develop distinct representations as a function of frequency and predictability. All models show evidence of holistic storage driven by frequency and predictability, further supporting usage-based theories of language.

Recent studies show evidence for emergent cognitive abilities in Large Pre-trained Language Models (PLMs). The increasing cognitive alignment of these models has made them candidates for cognitive science theories. Prior research into the emergent cognitive abilities of PLMs has largely been path-independent to model training, i.e., has focused on the final model weights and not the intermediate steps. However, building plausible models of human cognition using PLMs would benefit from considering the developmental alignment of their performance during training to the trajectories of children's thinking. Guided by psychometric tests of human intelligence, we choose four sets of tasks to investigate the alignment of ten popular families of PLMs and evaluate their available intermediate and final training steps. These tasks are Numerical ability, Linguistic abilities, Conceptual understanding, and Fluid reasoning. We find a striking regularity: regardless of model size, the developmental trajectories of PLMs consistently exhibit a window of maximal alignment to human cognitive development. Before that window, training appears to endow "blank slate" models with the requisite structure to be poised to rapidly learn from experience. After that window, training appears to serve the engineering goal of reducing loss but not the scientific goal of increasing alignment with human cognition.

Humans can quickly learn a new word from a few illustrative examples, and then systematically and flexibly use it in novel contexts. Yet the abilities of current language models for few-shot word learning, and methods for improving these abilities, are underexplored. In this study, we introduce a novel method, Meta-training for IN-context learNing Of Words (Minnow). This method trains language models to generate new examples of a word's usage given a few in-context examples, using a special placeholder token to represent the new word. This training is repeated on many new words to develop a general word-learning ability. We find that training models from scratch with Minnow on human-scale child-directed language enables strong few-shot word learning, comparable to a large language model (LLM) pre-trained on orders of magnitude more data. Furthermore, through discriminative and generative evaluations, we demonstrate that finetuning pre-trained LLMs with Minnow improves their ability to discriminate between new words, identify syntactic categories of new words, and generate reasonable new usages and definitions for new words, based on one or a few in-context examples. These findings highlight the data efficiency of Minnow and its potential to improve language model performance in word learning tasks.

We address the problem of bootstrapping language acquisition for an artificial system similarly to what is observed in experiments with human infants. Our method works by associating meanings to words in manipulation tasks, as a robot interacts with objects and listens to verbal descriptions of the interactions. The model is based on an affordance network, i.e., a mapping between robot actions, robot perceptions, and the perceived effects of these actions upon objects. We extend the affordance model to incorporate spoken words, which allows us to ground the verbal symbols to the execution of actions and the perception of the environment. The model takes verbal descriptions of a task as the input and uses temporal co-occurrence to create links between speech utterances and the involved objects, actions, and effects. We show that the robot is able form useful word-to-meaning associations, even without considering grammatical structure in the learning process and in the presence of recognition errors. These word-to-meaning associations are embedded in the robot's own understanding of its actions. Thus, they can be directly used to instruct the robot to perform tasks and also allow to incorporate context in the speech recognition task. We believe that the encouraging results with our approach may afford robots with a capacity to acquire language descriptors in their operation's environment as well as to shed some light as to how this challenging process develops with human infants.

Representational spaces learned via language modeling are fundamental to Natural Language Processing (NLP), however there has been limited understanding regarding how and when during training various types of linguistic information emerge and interact. Leveraging a novel information theoretic probing suite, which enables direct comparisons of not just task performance, but their representational subspaces, we analyze nine tasks covering syntax, semantics and reasoning, across 2M pre-training steps and five seeds. We identify critical learning phases across tasks and time, during which subspaces emerge, share information, and later disentangle to specialize. Across these phases, syntactic knowledge is acquired rapidly after 0.5% of full training. Continued performance improvements primarily stem from the acquisition of open-domain knowledge, while semantics and reasoning tasks benefit from later boosts to long-range contextualization and higher specialization. Measuring cross-task similarity further reveals that linguistically related tasks share information throughout training, and do so more during the critical phase of learning than before or after. Our findings have implications for model interpretability, multi-task learning, and learning from limited data.

Pretraining language models on formal language can improve their acquisition of natural language. Which features of the formal language impart an inductive bias that leads to effective transfer? Drawing on insights from linguistics and complexity theory, we hypothesize that effective transfer occurs when two conditions are met: the formal language should capture the dependency structures present in natural language, and it should remain within the computational limitations of the model architecture. We experiment with pre-pretraining (training on formal language before natural languages) on transformers and find that formal languages capturing hierarchical dependencies indeed enable language models to achieve lower loss on natural language and better linguistic generalization compared to other formal languages. We also find modest support for the hypothesis that the formal language should fall within the computational limitations of the architecture. Strikingly, pre-pretraining reduces loss more efficiently than training on a matched amount of natural language. For a 1B-parameter language model trained on roughly 1.6B tokens of natural language, pre-pretraining achieves the same loss and better linguistic generalization with a 33% smaller token budget. Finally, we also give mechanistic evidence of transfer from formal to natural language: attention heads acquired during pre-pretraining remain crucial for the model's performance on syntactic evaluations.

Recent studies highlight the potential of large language models in creating educational tools for children, yet significant challenges remain in maintaining key child-specific properties such as linguistic nuances, cognitive needs, and safety standards. In this paper, we explore foundational steps toward the development of child-specific language models, emphasizing the necessity of high-quality pre-training data. We introduce a novel user-centric data collection pipeline that involves gathering and validating a corpus specifically written for and sometimes by children. Additionally, we propose a new training objective, Stratified Masking, which dynamically adjusts masking probabilities based on our domain-specific child language data, enabling models to prioritize vocabulary and concepts more suitable for children. Experimental evaluations demonstrate that our model excels in understanding lower grade-level text, maintains safety by avoiding stereotypes, and captures children's unique preferences. Furthermore, we provide actionable insights for future research and development in child-specific language modeling.

Models of language trained on very large corpora have been demonstrated useful for NLP. As fixed artifacts, they have become the object of intense study, with many researchers "probing" the extent to which linguistic abstractions, factual and commonsense knowledge, and reasoning abilities they acquire and readily demonstrate. Building on this line of work, we consider a new question: for types of knowledge a language model learns, when during (pre)training are they acquired? We plot probing performance across iterations, using RoBERTa as a case study. Among our findings: linguistic knowledge is acquired fast, stably, and robustly across domains. Facts and commonsense are slower and more domain-sensitive. Reasoning abilities are, in general, not stably acquired. As new datasets, pretraining protocols, and probes emerge, we believe that probing-across-time analyses can help researchers understand the complex, intermingled learning that these models undergo and guide us toward more efficient approaches that accomplish necessary learning faster.

Large language models (LLMs) have recently reached an impressive level of linguistic capability, prompting comparisons with human language skills. However, there have been relatively few systematic inquiries into the linguistic capabilities of the latest generation of LLMs, and those studies that do exist (i) ignore the remarkable ability of humans to generalize, (ii) focus only on English, and (iii) investigate syntax or semantics and overlook other capabilities that lie at the heart of human language, like morphology. Here, we close these gaps by conducting the first rigorous analysis of the morphological capabilities of ChatGPT in four typologically varied languages (specifically, English, German, Tamil, and Turkish). We apply a version of Berko's (1958) wug test to ChatGPT, using novel, uncontaminated datasets for the four examined languages. We find that ChatGPT massively underperforms purpose-built systems, particularly in English. Overall, our results -- through the lens of morphology -- cast a new light on the linguistic capabilities of ChatGPT, suggesting that claims of human-like language skills are premature and misleading.

In recent years, neural models learned through self-supervised pretraining on large scale multilingual text or speech data have exhibited promising results for underresourced languages, especially when a relatively large amount of data from related language(s) is available. While the technology has a potential for facilitating tasks carried out in language documentation projects, such as speech transcription, pretraining a multilingual model from scratch for every new language would be highly impractical. We investigate the possibility for adapting an existing multilingual wav2vec 2.0 model for a new language, focusing on actual fieldwork data from a critically endangered tongue: Ainu. Specifically, we (i) examine the feasibility of leveraging data from similar languages also in fine-tuning; (ii) verify whether the model's performance can be improved by further pretraining on target language data. Our results show that continued pretraining is the most effective method to adapt a wav2vec 2.0 model for a new language and leads to considerable reduction in error rates. Furthermore, we find that if a model pretrained on a related speech variety or an unrelated language with similar phonological characteristics is available, multilingual fine-tuning using additional data from that language can have positive impact on speech recognition performance when there is very little labeled data in the target language.

Pre-trained Large Language Models (LLMs) have shown success in a diverse set of language inference and understanding tasks. The pre-training stage of LLMs looks at a large corpus of raw textual data. The BabyLM shared task compares LLM pre-training to human language acquisition, where the number of tokens seen by 13-year-old kids is magnitudes smaller than the number of tokens seen by LLMs. In this work, we pre-train and evaluate LLMs on their ability to learn contextual word representations using roughly the same number of tokens as seen by children. We provide a strong set of baselines; with different architectures, evaluation of changes in performance across epochs, and reported pre-training metrics for the strict small and strict tracks of the task. We also try to loosely replicate the RoBERTa baseline given by the task organizers to observe the training robustness to hyperparameter selection and replicability. We provide the submission details to the strict and strict-small tracks in this report.

We present a system that uses LLMs as a tool in the development of Constructed Languages. The system is modular in that one first creates a target phonology for the language using an agentic approach that refines its output at each step with commentary feedback on its previous attempt. Next, a set of sentences is 'translated' from their English original into a morphosyntactic markup that reflects the word order and morphosyntactic feature specifications of the desired target language, with affixes represented as morphosyntactic feature bundles. From this translated corpus, a lexicon is constructed using the phonological model and the set of morphemes (stems and affixes) extracted from the 'translated' sentences. The system is then instructed to provide an orthography for the language, using an existing script such as Latin or Cyrillic. Finally, the system writes a brief grammatical handbook of the language. The system can also translate further sentences into the target language. Our goal is twofold. First, we hope that these tools will be fun to use for creating artificially constructed languages. Second, we are interested in exploring what LLMs 'know' about language-not what they know about any particular language or linguistic phenomenon, but how much they know about and understand language and linguistic concepts. As we shall see, there is a fairly wide gulf in capabilities both among different LLMs and among different linguistic specifications, with it being notably easier for systems to deal with more common patterns than rarer ones. An additional avenue that we explore is the application of our approach to translating from high-resource into low-resource languages. While the results so far are mostly negative, we provide some evidence that an improved version of the present system could afford some real gains in such tasks. https://github.com/SakanaAI/IASC

Child-centered long-form recordings are essential for studying early language development, but existing speech models trained on clean adult data perform poorly due to acoustic and linguistic differences. We introduce BabyHuBERT, the first self-supervised speech representation model trained on 13,000 hours of multilingual child-centered long-form recordings spanning over 40 languages. We evaluate BabyHuBERT on speaker segmentation, identifying when target children speak versus female adults, male adults, or other children -- a fundamental preprocessing step for analyzing naturalistic language experiences. BabyHuBERT achieves F1-scores from 52.1% to 74.4% across six diverse datasets, consistently outperforming W2V2-LL4300 (trained on English long-forms) and standard HuBERT (trained on clean adult speech). Notable improvements include 13.2 absolute F1 points over HuBERT on Vanuatu and 15.9 points on Solomon Islands corpora, demonstrating effectiveness on underrepresented languages. By sharing code and models, BabyHuBERT serves as a foundation model for child speech research, enabling fine-tuning on diverse downstream tasks.

Construction grammar posits that children acquire constructions (form-meaning pairings) from the statistics of their environment. Recent work supports this hypothesis by showing sensitivity to constructions in pretrained language models (PLMs), including one recent study (Rozner et al., 2025) demonstrating that constructions shape the PLM's output distribution. However, models under study have generally been trained on developmentally implausible amounts of data, casting doubt on their relevance to human language learning. Here we use Rozner et al.'s methods to evaluate constructional learning in models from the 2024 BabyLM challenge. Our results show that even when trained on developmentally plausible quantities of data, models represent diverse constructions, even hard cases that are superficially indistinguishable. We further find correlational evidence that constructional performance may be functionally relevant: models that better represent constructions perform better on the BabyLM benchmarks.

Many recent works have discussed the propensity, or lack thereof, for emergent languages to exhibit properties of natural languages. A favorite in the literature is learning compositionality. We note that most of those works have focused on communicative bandwidth as being of primary importance. While important, it is not the only contributing factor. In this paper, we investigate the learning biases that affect the efficacy and compositionality of emergent languages. Our foremost contribution is to explore how capacity of a neural network impacts its ability to learn a compositional language. We additionally introduce a set of evaluation metrics with which we analyze the learned languages. Our hypothesis is that there should be a specific range of model capacity and channel bandwidth that induces compositional structure in the resulting language and consequently encourages systematic generalization. While we empirically see evidence for the bottom of this range, we curiously do not find evidence for the top part of the range and believe that this is an open question for the community.

What do deep neural speech models know about phonology? Existing work has examined the encoding of individual linguistic units such as phonemes in these models. Here we investigate interactions between units. Inspired by classic experiments on human speech perception, we study how Wav2Vec2 resolves phonotactic constraints. We synthesize sounds on an acoustic continuum between /l/ and /r/ and embed them in controlled contexts where only /l/, only /r/, or neither occur in English. Like humans, Wav2Vec2 models show a bias towards the phonotactically admissable category in processing such ambiguous sounds. Using simple measures to analyze model internals on the level of individual stimuli, we find that this bias emerges in early layers of the model's Transformer module. This effect is amplified by ASR finetuning but also present in fully self-supervised models. Our approach demonstrates how controlled stimulus designs can help localize specific linguistic knowledge in neural speech models.

Language is an intricately structured system, and a key goal of NLP interpretability is to provide methodological insights for understanding how language models represent this structure internally. In this paper, we use Shapley Taylor interaction indices (STII) in order to examine how language and speech models internally relate and structure their inputs. Pairwise Shapley interactions measure how much two inputs work together to influence model outputs beyond if we linearly added their independent influences, providing a view into how models encode structural interactions between inputs. We relate the interaction patterns in models to three underlying linguistic structures: syntactic structure, non-compositional semantics, and phonetic coarticulation. We find that autoregressive text models encode interactions that correlate with the syntactic proximity of inputs, and that both autoregressive and masked models encode nonlinear interactions in idiomatic phrases with non-compositional semantics. Our speech results show that inputs are more entangled for pairs where a neighboring consonant is likely to influence a vowel or approximant, showing that models encode the phonetic interaction needed for extracting discrete phonemic representations.

Typically, children start to learn their first words between 6 and 9 months, linking spoken utterances to their visual referents. Without prior knowledge, a word encountered for the first time can be interpreted in countless ways; it might refer to any of the objects in the environment, their components, or attributes. Using longitudinal, egocentric, and ecologically valid data from the experience of one child, in this work, we propose a self-supervised and biologically plausible strategy to learn strong visual representations. Our masked autoencoder-based visual backbone incorporates knowledge about the blind spot in human eyes to define a novel masking strategy. This mask and reconstruct approach attempts to mimic the way the human brain fills the gaps in the eyes' field of view. This represents a significant shift from standard random masking strategies, which are difficult to justify from a biological perspective. The pretrained encoder is utilized in a contrastive learning-based video-text model capable of acquiring word-referent mappings. Extensive evaluation suggests that the proposed biologically plausible masking strategy is at least as effective as random masking for learning word-referent mappings from cross-situational and temporally extended episodes.

Most interpretability research in NLP focuses on understanding the behavior and features of a fully trained model. However, certain insights into model behavior may only be accessible by observing the trajectory of the training process. We present a case study of syntax acquisition in masked language models (MLMs) that demonstrates how analyzing the evolution of interpretable artifacts throughout training deepens our understanding of emergent behavior. In particular, we study Syntactic Attention Structure (SAS), a naturally emerging property of MLMs wherein specific Transformer heads tend to focus on specific syntactic relations. We identify a brief window in pretraining when models abruptly acquire SAS, concurrent with a steep drop in loss. This breakthrough precipitates the subsequent acquisition of linguistic capabilities. We then examine the causal role of SAS by manipulating SAS during training, and demonstrate that SAS is necessary for the development of grammatical capabilities. We further find that SAS competes with other beneficial traits during training, and that briefly suppressing SAS improves model quality. These findings offer an interpretation of a real-world example of both simplicity bias and breakthrough training dynamics.

Word embeddings that map words into a fixed-dimensional vector space are the backbone of modern NLP. Most word embedding methods encode semantic information. However, phonetic information, which is important for some tasks, is often overlooked. In this work, we develop several novel methods which leverage articulatory features to build phonetically informed word embeddings, and present a set of phonetic word embeddings to encourage their community development, evaluation and use. While several methods for learning phonetic word embeddings already exist, there is a lack of consistency in evaluating their effectiveness. Thus, we also proposes several ways to evaluate both intrinsic aspects of phonetic word embeddings, such as word retrieval and correlation with sound similarity, and extrinsic performances, such as rhyme and cognate detection and sound analogies. We hope that our suite of tasks will promote reproducibility and provide direction for future research on phonetic word embeddings.

Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a neurodevelopmental disorder that often emerges in early childhood. ASD assessment typically involves an observation protocol including note-taking and ratings of child's social behavior conducted by a trained clinician. A robust machine learning (ML) model that is capable of labeling adult and child audio has the potential to save significant time and labor in manual coding children's behaviors. This may assist clinicians capture events of interest, better communicate events with parents, and educate new clinicians. In this study, we leverage the self-supervised learning model, Wav2Vec 2.0 (W2V2), pretrained on 4300h of home recordings of children under 5 years old, to build a unified system that performs both speaker diarization (SD) and vocalization classification (VC) tasks. We apply this system to two-channel audio recordings of brief 3-5 minute clinician-child interactions using the Rapid-ABC corpus. We propose a novel technique by introducing auxiliary features extracted from W2V2-based automatic speech recognition (ASR) system for children under 4 years old to improve children's VC task. We test our proposed method of improving children's VC task on two corpora (Rapid-ABC and BabbleCor) and observe consistent improvements. Furthermore, we reach, or perhaps outperform, the state-of-the-art performance of BabbleCor.

We employ new tools from mechanistic interpretability in order to ask whether the internal structure of large language models (LLMs) shows correspondence to the linguistic structures which underlie the languages on which they are trained. In particular, we ask (1) when two languages employ the same morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using shared internal circuitry? and (2) when two languages require different morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using different internal circuitry? Using English and Chinese multilingual and monolingual models, we analyze the internal circuitry involved in two tasks. We find evidence that models employ the same circuit to handle the same syntactic process independently of the language in which it occurs, and that this is the case even for monolingual models trained completely independently. Moreover, we show that multilingual models employ language-specific components (attention heads and feed-forward networks) when needed to handle linguistic processes (e.g., morphological marking) that only exist in some languages. Together, our results provide new insights into how LLMs trade off between exploiting common structures and preserving linguistic differences when tasked with modeling multiple languages simultaneously.

Current Large Language Models (LLMs) are unparalleled in their ability to generate grammatically correct, fluent text. LLMs are appearing rapidly, and debates on LLM capacities have taken off, but reflection is lagging behind. Thus, in this position paper, we first zoom in on the debate and critically assess three points recurring in critiques of LLM capacities: i) that LLMs only parrot statistical patterns in the training data; ii) that LLMs master formal but not functional language competence; and iii) that language learning in LLMs cannot inform human language learning. Drawing on empirical and theoretical arguments, we show that these points need more nuance. Second, we outline a pragmatic perspective on the issue of `real' understanding and intentionality in LLMs. Understanding and intentionality pertain to unobservable mental states we attribute to other humans because they have pragmatic value: they allow us to abstract away from complex underlying mechanics and predict behaviour effectively. We reflect on the circumstances under which it would make sense for humans to similarly attribute mental states to LLMs, thereby outlining a pragmatic philosophical context for LLMs as an increasingly prominent technology in society.

Studying early speech development at scale requires automatic tools, yet automatic phoneme recognition, especially for young children, remains largely unsolved. Building on decades of data collection, we curate TinyVox, a corpus of more than half a million phonetically transcribed child vocalizations in English, French, Portuguese, German, and Spanish. We use TinyVox to train BabAR, a cross-linguistic phoneme recognition system for child speech. We find that pretraining the system on multilingual child-centered daylong recordings substantially outperforms alternatives, and that providing 20 seconds of surrounding audio context during fine-tuning further improves performance. Error analyses show that substitutions predominantly fall within the same broad phonetic categories, suggesting suitability for coarse-grained developmental analyses. We validate BabAR by showing that its automatic measures of speech maturity align with developmental estimates from the literature.

Humans effortlessly communicate their thoughts through intricate sequences of motor actions. Yet, the neural processes that coordinate language production remain largely unknown, in part because speech artifacts limit the use of neuroimaging. To elucidate the unfolding of language production in the brain, we investigate with magnetoencephalography (MEG) and electroencephalography (EEG) the neurophysiological activity of 35 skilled typists, while they typed sentences on a keyboard. This approach confirms the hierarchical predictions of linguistic theories: the neural activity preceding the production of each word is marked by the sequential rise and fall of context-, word-, syllable-, and letter-level representations. Remarkably, each of these neural representations is maintained over long time periods within each level of the language hierarchy. This phenomenon results in a superposition of successive representations that is supported by a hierarchy of dynamic neural codes. Overall, these findings provide a precise computational breakdown of the neural dynamics that coordinate the production of language in the human brain.

Recent studies suggest that very small language models (SLMs) can generate surprisingly coherent text when trained on simplified, child-directed corpora such as TinyStories. These findings have been interpreted as evidence that readability -- characterized by accessible vocabulary, familiar narrative structure, and simple syntax -- plays a key role in enabling such capabilities to emerge. In this paper, we challenge that interpretation. We construct synthetic datasets with matched structure but varied readability, and find that readability alone does not predict coherence or learning efficiency in SLMs. Models trained on complex, adult-level text perform comparably to those trained on simplified language, and even exhibit faster development of coherence during training. Instead, we show that statistical simplicity, as measured by n-gram diversity, is a stronger predictor of learnability. Our findings caution against the growing trend of anthropomorphizing language model training -- drawing parallels to human cognitive development without empirical basis -- and argue for more precise reasoning about what properties actually support capability emergence in small models.

Pre-trained language models (PLMs) that use subword tokenization schemes can succeed at a variety of language tasks that require character-level information, despite lacking explicit access to the character composition of tokens. Here, studying a range of models (e.g., GPT- J, BERT, RoBERTa, GloVe), we probe what word pieces encode about character-level information by training classifiers to predict the presence or absence of a particular alphabetical character in a token, based on its embedding (e.g., probing whether the model embedding for "cat" encodes that it contains the character "a"). We find that these models robustly encode character-level information and, in general, larger models perform better at the task. We show that these results generalize to characters from non-Latin alphabets (Arabic, Devanagari, and Cyrillic). Then, through a series of experiments and analyses, we investigate the mechanisms through which PLMs acquire English-language character information during training and argue that this knowledge is acquired through multiple phenomena, including a systematic relationship between particular characters and particular parts of speech, as well as natural variability in the tokenization of related strings.

Large Language Models (LLMs) store and retrieve vast amounts of factual knowledge acquired during pre-training. Prior research has localized and identified mechanisms behind knowledge recall; however, it has primarily focused on English monolingual models. The question of how these processes generalize to other languages and multilingual LLMs remains unexplored. In this paper, we address this gap by conducting a comprehensive analysis of two highly multilingual LLMs. We assess the extent to which previously identified components and mechanisms of factual recall in English apply to a multilingual context. Then, we examine when language plays a role in the recall process, uncovering evidence of language-independent and language-dependent mechanisms.

Syllables are compositional units of spoken language that play a crucial role in human speech perception and production. However, current neural speech representations lack structure, resulting in dense token sequences that are costly to process. To bridge this gap, we propose a new model, Sylber, that produces speech representations with clean and robust syllabic structure. Specifically, we propose a self-supervised model that regresses features on syllabic segments distilled from a teacher model which is an exponential moving average of the model in training. This results in a highly structured representation of speech features, offering three key benefits: 1) a fast, linear-time syllable segmentation algorithm, 2) efficient syllabic tokenization with an average of 4.27 tokens per second, and 3) syllabic units better suited for lexical and syntactic understanding. We also train token-to-speech generative models with our syllabic units and show that fully intelligible speech can be reconstructed from these tokens. Lastly, we observe that categorical perception, a linguistic phenomenon of speech perception, emerges naturally in our model, making the embedding space more categorical and sparse than previous self-supervised learning approaches. Together, we present a novel self-supervised approach for representing speech as syllables, with significant potential for efficient speech tokenization and spoken language modeling.

The picture-word interference paradigm (participants name target pictures while ignoring distractor words) is often used to model the planning processes involved in word production. The participants' naming times are delayed in the presence of a distractor (general interference). The size of this effect depends on the relationship between the target and distractor words. Distractors of the same semantic category create more interference (semantic interference), distractors overlapping in phonology create less interference (phonological facilitation). The present study examines the relationships between these experimental effects, processing times, and attention in order to better understand the cognitive processes underlying participants' behavior in this paradigm. Participants named pictures with a superimposed line of Xs, semantically related distractors, phonologically related distractors, or unrelated distractors. General interference, semantic interference, and phonological facilitation effects are replicated. Distributional analyses reveal that general and semantic interference effects increase with naming times, while phonological facilitation decreases. The phonological facilitation and semantic interference effects are found to depend on the synchronicity in processing times between the planning of the picture's name and the processing of the distractor word. Finally, EEG power in the alpha band before stimulus onset varied with the position of the trial in the experiment and with repetition but did not predict the size of interference or facilitation effects. Taken together, these results suggest that experimental effects in the picture-word interference paradigm depend on processing times to both the target word and distractor word and that distributional patterns could party reflect this dependency.

While current large language models have achieved a remarkable success, their data efficiency remains a challenge to overcome. Recently it has been suggested that child-directed speech (CDS) can improve training data efficiency of modern language models based on Transformer neural networks. However, it is not yet understood which specific properties of CDS are effective for training these models. In the context of the BabyLM Challenge, we focus on Variation Sets (VSs), sets of consecutive utterances expressing a similar intent with slightly different words and structures, which are ubiquitous in CDS. To assess the impact of VSs on training data efficiency, we augment CDS data with different proportions of artificial VSs and use these datasets to train an auto-regressive model, GPT-2. We find that the best proportion of VSs depends on the evaluation benchmark: BLiMP and GLUE scores benefit from the presence of VSs, but EWOK scores do not. Additionally, the results vary depending on multiple factors such as the number of epochs and the order of utterance presentation. Taken together, these findings suggest that VSs can have a beneficial influence on language models, while leaving room for further investigation.

Understanding which information is encoded in deep models of spoken and written language has been the focus of much research in recent years, as it is crucial for debugging and improving these architectures. Most previous work has focused on probing for speaker characteristics, acoustic and phonological information in models of spoken language, and for syntactic information in models of written language. Here we focus on the encoding of syntax in several self-supervised and visually grounded models of spoken language. We employ two complementary probing methods, combined with baselines and reference representations to quantify the degree to which syntactic structure is encoded in the activations of the target models. We show that syntax is captured most prominently in the middle layers of the networks, and more explicitly within models with more parameters.

Language acquisition is vital to revealing the nature of human language intelligence and has recently emerged as a promising perspective for improving the interpretability of large language models (LLMs). However, it is ethically and practically infeasible to conduct experiments that require controlling human learners' language inputs. This poses challenges for the verifiability and scalability of language acquisition modeling, particularly in Chinese second language acquisition (SLA). While LLMs provide a controllable and reproducible alternative, a systematic benchmark to support phase-wise modeling and assessment is still lacking. In this paper, we present HSKBenchmark, the first benchmark for staged modeling and writing assessment of LLMs in Chinese SLA. It covers HSK levels 3 to 6 and includes authentic textbooks with 6.76 million tokens, 16K synthetic instruction samples, 30 test topics, and a linguistically grounded evaluation system. To simulate human learning trajectories, we introduce a curriculum-tuning framework that trains models from beginner to advanced levels. An evaluation system is created to examine level-based grammar coverage, writing errors, lexical and syntactic complexity, and holistic scoring. We also build HSKAgent, fine-tuned on 10K learner compositions. Extensive experimental results demonstrate that HSKBenchmark not only models Chinese SLA effectively, but also serves as a reliable benchmark for dynamic writing assessment in LLMs. Our fine-tuned LLMs have writing performance on par with advanced human learners and exhibit human-like acquisition characteristics. The HSKBenchmark, HSKAgent, and checkpoints serve as foundational tools and resources, with the potential to pave the way for future research on language acquisition modeling and LLMs interpretability. Code and data are publicly available at: https://github.com/CharlesYang030/HSKB.

What mechanisms underlie linguistic generalization in large language models (LLMs)? This question has attracted considerable attention, with most studies analyzing the extent to which the language skills of LLMs resemble rules. As of yet, it is not known whether linguistic generalization in LLMs could equally well be explained as the result of analogical processes, which can be formalized as similarity operations on stored exemplars. A key shortcoming of prior research is its focus on linguistic phenomena with a high degree of regularity, for which rule-based and analogical approaches make the same predictions. Here, we instead examine derivational morphology, specifically English adjective nominalization, which displays notable variability. We introduce a new method for investigating linguistic generalization in LLMs: focusing on GPT-J, we fit cognitive models that instantiate rule-based and analogical learning to the LLM training data and compare their predictions on a set of nonce adjectives with those of the LLM, allowing us to draw direct conclusions regarding underlying mechanisms. As expected, rule-based and analogical models explain the predictions of GPT-J equally well for adjectives with regular nominalization patterns. However, for adjectives with variable nominalization patterns, the analogical model provides a much better match. Furthermore, GPT-J's behavior is sensitive to the individual word frequencies, even for regular forms, a behavior that is consistent with an analogical account of regular forms but not a rule-based one. These findings refute the hypothesis that GPT-J's linguistic generalization on adjective nominalization involves rules, suggesting similarity operations on stored exemplars as the underlying mechanism. Overall, our study suggests that analogical processes play a bigger role in the linguistic generalization of LLMs than previously thought.

Standard text-to-speech (TTS) evaluation measures intelligibility (WER, CER) and overall naturalness (MOS, UTMOS) but does not quantify accent. A synthesiser may score well on all four yet sound non-native on features that are phonemic in the target language. For Indic languages, these features include retroflex articulation, aspiration, vowel length, and the Tamil retroflex approximant (letter zha). We present PSP, the Phoneme Substitution Profile, an interpretable, per-phonological-dimension accent benchmark for Indic TTS. PSP decomposes accent into six complementary dimensions: retroflex collapse rate (RR), aspiration fidelity (AF), vowel-length fidelity (LF), Tamil-zha fidelity (ZF), Frechet Audio Distance (FAD), and prosodic signature divergence (PSD). The first four are measured via forced alignment plus native-speaker-centroid acoustic probes over Wav2Vec2-XLS-R layer-9 embeddings; the latter two are corpus-level distributional distances. In this v1 we benchmark four commercial and open-source systems (ElevenLabs v3, Cartesia Sonic-3, Sarvam Bulbul, Indic Parler-TTS) on Hindi, Telugu, and Tamil pilot sets, with a fifth system (Praxy Voice) included on all three languages, plus an R5->R6 case study on Telugu. Three findings: (i) retroflex collapse grows monotonically with phonological difficulty Hindi < Telugu < Tamil (~1%, ~40%, ~68%); (ii) PSP ordering diverges from WER ordering -- commercial WER-leaders do not uniformly lead on retroflex or prosodic fidelity; (iii) no single system is Pareto-optimal across all six dimensions. We release native reference centroids (500 clips per language), 1000-clip embeddings for FAD, 500-clip prosodic feature matrices for PSD, 300-utterance golden sets per language, scoring code under MIT, and centroids under CC-BY. Formal MOS-correlation is deferred to v2; v1 reports five internal-consistency signals plus a native-audio sanity check.

We introduce a new in-context learning paradigm to measure Large Language Models' (LLMs) ability to learn novel words during inference. In particular, we rewrite Winograd-style co-reference resolution problems by replacing the key concept word with a synthetic but plausible word that the model must understand to complete the task. Solving this task requires the model to make use of the dictionary definition of the new word given in the prompt. This benchmark addresses word acquisition, one important aspect of the diachronic degradation known to afflict LLMs. As LLMs are frozen in time at the moment they are trained, they are normally unable to reflect the way language changes over time. We show that the accuracy of LLMs compared to the original Winograd tasks decreases radically in our benchmark, thus identifying a limitation of current models and providing a benchmark to measure future improvements in LLMs ability to do in-context learning.

In this work, we present a naive initialization scheme for word vectors based on a dense, independent co-occurrence model and provide preliminary results that suggest it is competitive and warrants further investigation. Specifically, we demonstrate through information-theoretic minimum description length (MDL) probing that our model, EigenNoise, can approach the performance of empirically trained GloVe despite the lack of any pre-training data (in the case of EigenNoise). We present these preliminary results with interest to set the stage for further investigations into how this competitive initialization works without pre-training data, as well as to invite the exploration of more intelligent initialization schemes informed by the theory of harmonic linguistic structure. Our application of this theory likewise contributes a novel (and effective) interpretation of recent discoveries which have elucidated the underlying distributional information that linguistic representations capture from data and contrast distributions.

Previous work has demonstrated that words are hyperarticulated on dimensions of speech that differentiate them from a minimal pair competitor. This phenomenon has been termed contrastive hyperarticulation (CH). We present a dynamic neural field (DNF) model of voice onset time (VOT) planning that derives CH from an inhibitory influence of the minimal pair competitor during planning. We test some predictions of the model with a novel experiment investigating CH of voiceless stop consonant VOT in pseudowords. The results demonstrate a CH effect in pseudowords, consistent with a basis for the effect in the real-time planning and production of speech. The scope and magnitude of CH in pseudowords was reduced compared to CH in real words, consistent with a role for interactive activation between lexical and phonological levels of planning. We discuss the potential of our model to unify an apparently disparate set of phenomena, from CH to phonological neighborhood effects to phonetic trace effects in speech errors.

Most Chinese Grapheme-to-Phoneme (G2P) systems employ a three-stage framework that first transforms input sequences into character embeddings, obtains linguistic information using language models, and then predicts the phonemes based on global context about the entire input sequence. However, linguistic knowledge alone is often inadequate. Language models frequently encode overly general structures of a sentence and fail to cover specific cases needed to use phonetic knowledge. Also, a handcrafted post-processing system is needed to address the problems relevant to the tone of the characters. However, the system exhibits inconsistency in the segmentation of word boundaries which consequently degrades the performance of the G2P system. To address these issues, we propose the Reinforcer that provides strong inductive bias for language models by emphasizing the phonological information between neighboring characters to help disambiguate pronunciations. Experimental results show that the Reinforcer boosts the cutting-edge architectures by a large margin. We also combine the Reinforcer with a large-scale pre-trained model and demonstrate the validity of using neighboring context in knowledge transfer scenarios.

While crosslingual transfer is crucial to contemporary language models' multilingual capabilities, how it occurs is not well understood. In this paper, we ask what happens to a monolingual language model when it begins to be trained on a second language. Specifically, we train small bilingual models for which we control the amount of data for each language and the order of language exposure. To find evidence of shared multilingual representations, we turn to structural priming, a method used to study grammatical representations in humans. We first replicate previous crosslingual structural priming results and find that after controlling for training data quantity and language exposure, there are asymmetrical effects across language pairs and directions. We argue that this asymmetry may shape hypotheses about human structural priming effects. We also find that structural priming effects are less robust for less similar language pairs, highlighting potential limitations of crosslingual transfer learning and shared representations for typologically diverse languages.

According to the U.S. National Institutes of Health, more than 3.4 million children experience speech disorders that require clinical intervention. The number of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) is roughly 20 times fewer than the number of affected children, highlighting a significant gap in children's care and a pressing need for technological support that improves the productivity of SLPs. State-of-the-art multimodal language models (MLMs) show promise for supporting SLPs, but their use remains underexplored largely due to a limited understanding of their performance in high-stakes clinical settings. To address this gap, we collaborate with domain experts to develop a taxonomy of real-world use cases of MLMs in speech-language pathologies. Building on this taxonomy, we introduce the first comprehensive benchmark for evaluating MLM across five core use cases, each containing 1,000 manually annotated data points. This benchmark includes robustness and sensitivity tests under various settings, including background noise, speaker gender, and accent. Our evaluation of 15 state-of-the-art MLMs reveals that no single model consistently outperforms others across all tasks. Notably, we find systematic disparities, with models performing better on male speakers, and observe that chain-of-thought prompting can degrade performance on classification tasks with large label spaces and narrow decision boundaries. Furthermore, we study fine-tuning MLMs on domain-specific data, achieving improvements of over 10\% compared to base models. These findings highlight both the potential and limitations of current MLMs for speech-language pathology applications, underscoring the need for further research and targeted development.

Learning in the brain is local and unsupervised (Hebbian). We derive the foundations of an effective human language model inspired by these microscopic constraints. It has two parts: (1) a hierarchy of neurons which learns to tokenize words from text (whichiswhatyoudowhenyoureadthis); and (2) additional neurons which bind the learned symanticless patterns of the tokenizer into a symanticful token (an embedding). The model permits continuous parallel learning without forgetting; and is a powerful tokenizer which performs renormalization group. This allows it to exploit redundancy, such that it generates tokens which are always decomposable into a basis set (e.g an alphabet), and can mix features learned from multiple languages. We find that the structure of this model allows it to learn a natural language morphology WITHOUT data. The language data generated by this model predicts the correct distribution of word-forming patterns observed in real languages, and further demonstrates why microscopically human speech is broken up into words. This model provides the basis for understanding the microscopic origins of language and human creativity.

Language places subtle constraints on how we make inductive inferences. Developmental evidence by Gelman et al. (2002) has shown children (4 years and older) to differentiate among generic statements ("Bears are daxable"), universally quantified NPs ("all bears are daxable") and indefinite plural NPs ("some bears are daxable") in extending novel properties to a specific member (all > generics > some), suggesting that they represent these types of propositions differently. We test if these subtle differences arise in general purpose statistical learners like Vision Language Models, by replicating the original experiment. On tasking them through a series of precondition tests (robust identification of categories in images and sensitivities to all and some), followed by the original experiment, we find behavioral alignment between models and humans. Post-hoc analyses on their representations revealed that these differences are organized based on inductive constraints and not surface-form differences.

Phone segmentation and recognition are inherently related tasks, yet modern approaches typically model them separately. We argue that phonetic structure is already latent in the representations of self-supervised speech models (S3Ms), and one only needs to steer them to solve both tasks. We leverage S3M-based Phonological Activation Mapping (SPAM), which maps each S3M representation frame to a vector of phonological feature activations, such as voicing and nasality. On top of SPAM, we introduce two simple but effective lightweight, gradient-descent-free prediction heads: a recognition head and a segmentation head. Our method requires less than a minute of phonetic transcriptions, and generalizes to unseen phones during training. Across a diverse range of datasets, our approach attains strong segmentation and recognition performance.

Chomsky and others have very directly claimed that large language models (LLMs) are equally capable of learning languages that are possible and impossible for humans to learn. However, there is very little published experimental evidence to support such a claim. Here, we develop a set of synthetic impossible languages of differing complexity, each designed by systematically altering English data with unnatural word orders and grammar rules. These languages lie on an impossibility continuum: at one end are languages that are inherently impossible, such as random and irreversible shuffles of English words, and on the other, languages that may not be intuitively impossible but are often considered so in linguistics, particularly those with rules based on counting word positions. We report on a wide range of evaluations to assess the capacity of GPT-2 small models to learn these uncontroversially impossible languages, and crucially, we perform these assessments at various stages throughout training to compare the learning process for each language. Our core finding is that GPT-2 struggles to learn impossible languages when compared to English as a control, challenging the core claim. More importantly, we hope our approach opens up a productive line of inquiry in which different LLM architectures are tested on a variety of impossible languages in an effort to learn more about how LLMs can be used as tools for these cognitive and typological investigations.

Large Language Models (LLMs) exhibit impressive performance on a range of NLP tasks, due to the general-purpose linguistic knowledge acquired during pretraining. Existing model interpretability research (Tenney et al., 2019) suggests that a linguistic hierarchy emerges in the LLM layers, with lower layers better suited to solving syntactic tasks and higher layers employed for semantic processing. Yet, little is known about how encodings of different linguistic phenomena interact within the models and to what extent processing of linguistically-related categories relies on the same, shared model representations. In this paper, we propose a framework for testing the joint encoding of linguistic categories in LLMs. Focusing on syntax, we find evidence of joint encoding both at the same (related part-of-speech (POS) classes) and different (POS classes and related syntactic dependency relations) levels of linguistic hierarchy. Our cross-lingual experiments show that the same patterns hold across languages in multilingual LLMs.

Modern language models rely on static vocabularies, fixed before pretraining, in contrast to the adaptive vocabulary acquisition observed in human language learning. To bridge this gap, we introduce vocabulary curriculum learning, an approach that improves pretraining efficiency with log-linear scaling gains relative to vocabulary size. Our method alternates between entropy-guided vocabulary expansion and model optimization, enabling models to learn transferable representations across diverse tokenization granularities. This approach naturally gives rise to an optimal computation allocation pattern: longer tokens capture predictable content, while shorter tokens focus on more complex, harder-to-predict contexts. Experiments on small-scale GPT models demonstrate improved scaling efficiency, reinforcing the effectiveness of dynamic tokenization. We release our code to support further research and plan to extend our experiments to larger models and diverse domains.

The study of language emergence aims to understand how human languages are shaped by perceptual grounding and communicative intent. Computational approaches to emergent communication (EC) predominantly consider referential games in limited domains and analyze the learned protocol within the game framework. As a result, it remains unclear how the emergent languages from these settings connect to natural languages or provide benefits in real-world language processing tasks, where statistical models trained on large text corpora dominate. In this work, we propose a novel way to establish such a link by corpus transfer, i.e. pretraining on a corpus of emergent language for downstream natural language tasks, which is in contrast to prior work that directly transfers speaker and listener parameters. Our approach showcases non-trivial transfer benefits for two different tasks -- language modeling and image captioning. For example, in a low-resource setup (modeling 2 million natural language tokens), pre-training on an emergent language corpus with just 2 million tokens reduces model perplexity by 24.6% on average across ten natural languages. We also introduce a novel metric to predict the transferability of an emergent language by translating emergent messages to natural language captions grounded on the same images. We find that our translation-based metric highly correlates with the downstream performance on modeling natural languages (for instance rho=0.83 on Hebrew), while topographic similarity, a popular metric in previous work, shows surprisingly low correlation (rho=0.003), hinting that simple properties like attribute disentanglement from synthetic domains might not capture the full complexities of natural language. Our findings also indicate potential benefits of moving language emergence forward with natural language resources and models.

This article analyzes BPE tokenization in Polish as a test case for the limits of statistical segmentation in an inflectional language. It asks whether frequency-based tokenization preserves linguistically relevant units, including orthographic form, phonemic and syllabic segmentation, derivational structure, inflectional endings, grammatical form, and the speaking subject. The material includes diagnostic words, a children's text, selected forms from the Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, word-family tests, and examples with Polish diacritics and nasal vowels. BPE tokenizers may produce segments that coincide with syllabic or morphologically interpretable divisions, but remain dependent on the frequency of written forms. They do not systematically map orthographic representation onto phonemic structure or context-dependent phonetic realization. The results show that BPE stabilizes frequent surface fragments of grammatical exponents rather than grammatical categories themselves. A form such as ustanawiamy is not merely a sequence ending in -y, but a verbal form anchored in conjugation, person, number, tense, mood, and aspect. The article develops the concept of grammatical form anchoring. In Polish, forms such as poszlam, zrobilam, or bylam can establish the position of the speaking subject without an explicit pronoun. In interaction with AI, this exposes a further problem: a language model does not possess a stable grammatical "I", but reconstructs it contextually and may mirror the user's forms or shift grammatical gender. Roclawski's segmentation-flexional forms are proposed as a diagnostic framework for evaluating tokenization boundaries. More stable modeling of Polish may require sublexical stabilization, anchoring grammatical form in the inflectional system, representing sentence patterns and verbal valency, and maintaining the grammatical "I" in dialogue.

Implicit meanings are integral to human communication, making it essential for language models to be capable of identifying and interpreting them. Grice (1975) proposed a set of conversational maxims that guide cooperative dialogue, noting that speakers may deliberately violate these principles to express meanings beyond literal words, and that listeners, in turn, recognize such violations to draw pragmatic inferences. Building on Surian et al. (1996)'s study of children's sensitivity to violations of Gricean maxims, we introduce a novel benchmark to test whether language models pretrained on less than 10M and less than 100M tokens can distinguish maxim-adhering from maxim-violating utterances. We compare these BabyLMs across five maxims and situate their performance relative to children and a Large Language Model (LLM) pretrained on 3T tokens. We find that overall, models trained on less than 100M tokens outperform those trained on less than 10M, yet fall short of child-level and LLM competence. Our results suggest that modest data increases improve some aspects of pragmatic behavior, leading to finer-grained differentiation between pragmatic dimensions.

Large Language Models (LLMs) remain substantially less data-efficient than humans. Pre-pretraining (PPT) on synthetic languages has been proposed to close this gap, with prior work emphasizing highly expressive formal languages such as k-Shuffle Dyck. Inspired by the Language Acquisition Device (LAD) hypothesis, which posits that innate constraints preemptively restrict the learner's hypothesis space to natural-language-like structure, we propose LAD-inspired PPT: pre-pretraining on MP-STRUCT, a formal language whose strings encode hierarchical composition, feature-based dependencies, and long-distance displacement via MERGE, AGREE, and MOVE. A brief 500-step PPT with MP-STRUCT matches strong formal-language baselines in token efficiency while additionally imparting a human-like resistance to structurally implausible languages (e.g., REVERSE). Analyzing simplified variants, we find that MP-STRUCT CORE outperforms k-Shuffle Dyck despite not being definable in C-RASP (a formal bound on transformer expressivity), challenging the prior hypothesis that effective PPT languages must be both hierarchically expressive and circuit-theoretically learnable. We show that functional landmarks, which reduce dependency resolution ambiguity, are a key driver, suggesting that effective PPT design depends not only on expressivity but also on the accessibility of dependency resolution.

Continued pretraining (CPT) is a popular approach to adapt existing large language models (LLMs) to new languages. When doing so, it is common practice to include a portion of English data in the mixture, but its role has not been carefully studied to date. In this work, we show that including English does not impact validation perplexity, yet it is critical for the emergence of downstream capabilities in the target language. We introduce a language-agnostic benchmark for in-context learning (ICL), which reveals catastrophic forgetting early on CPT when English is not included. This in turn damages the ability of the model to generalize to downstream prompts in the target language as measured by perplexity, even if it does not manifest in terms of accuracy until later in training, and can be tied to a big shift in the model parameters. Based on these insights, we introduce curriculum learning and exponential moving average (EMA) of weights as effective alternatives to mitigate the need for English. All in all, our work sheds light into the dynamics by which emergent abilities arise when doing CPT for language adaptation, and can serve as a foundation to design more effective methods in the future.

We present a CLSRIL-23, a self supervised learning based audio pre-trained model which learns cross lingual speech representations from raw audio across 23 Indic languages. It is built on top of wav2vec 2.0 which is solved by training a contrastive task over masked latent speech representations and jointly learns the quantization of latents shared across all languages. We compare the language wise loss during pretraining to compare effects of monolingual and multilingual pretraining. Performance on some downstream fine-tuning tasks for speech recognition is also compared and our experiments show that multilingual pretraining outperforms monolingual training, in terms of learning speech representations which encodes phonetic similarity of languages and also in terms of performance on down stream tasks. A decrease of 5% is observed in WER and 9.5% in CER when a multilingual pretrained model is used for finetuning in Hindi. All the code models are also open sourced. CLSRIL-23 is a model trained on 23 languages and almost 10,000 hours of audio data to facilitate research in speech recognition for Indic languages. We hope that new state of the art systems will be created using the self supervised approach, especially for low resources Indic languages.

The vocal music of each language carries a distinctive sonic identity, even without instrumental accompaniment. We ask whether these differences are measurable and traceable to specific phonemes. To tackle this question, we introduce phoneme-conditional analysis, which isolates the acoustic effect of typologically distinctive phonemes by comparing marker syllables against matched non-marker controls within the same song, holding singer, melody, and genre constant. Across nine typologically diverse languages and thousands of songs, we measure effects along five acoustic dimensions. Song-level profiles built from these effects identify the language of an unaccompanied vocal at 85.5% balanced accuracy in a nine-way classification with folds grouped by artist; whether the separability arises by accumulation of the phoneme-local effects themselves is left open. Our findings suggest that phonological structure leaves systematic and measurable traces in how each language is sung.

Speech language models refer to language models with speech processing and understanding capabilities. One key desirable capability for speech language models is the ability to capture the intricate interdependency between content and prosody. The existing mainstream paradigm of training speech language models, which converts speech into discrete tokens before feeding them into LLMs, is sub-optimal in learning prosody information -- we find that the resulting LLMs do not exhibit obvious emerging prosody processing capabilities via pre-training alone. To overcome this, we propose ProsodyLM, which introduces a simple tokenization scheme amenable to learning prosody. Each speech utterance is first transcribed into text, followed by a sequence of word-level prosody tokens. Compared with conventional speech tokenization schemes, the proposed tokenization scheme retains more complete prosody information, and is more understandable to text-based LLMs. We find that ProsodyLM can learn surprisingly diverse emerging prosody processing capabilities through pre-training alone, ranging from harnessing the prosody nuances in generated speech, such as contrastive focus, understanding emotion and stress in an utterance, to maintaining prosody consistency in long contexts.

The success of pre-trained contextualized representations has prompted researchers to analyze them for the presence of linguistic information. Indeed, it is natural to assume that these pre-trained representations do encode some level of linguistic knowledge as they have brought about large empirical improvements on a wide variety of NLP tasks, which suggests they are learning true linguistic generalization. In this work, we focus on intrinsic probing, an analysis technique where the goal is not only to identify whether a representation encodes a linguistic attribute but also to pinpoint where this attribute is encoded. We propose a novel latent-variable formulation for constructing intrinsic probes and derive a tractable variational approximation to the log-likelihood. Our results show that our model is versatile and yields tighter mutual information estimates than two intrinsic probes previously proposed in the literature. Finally, we find empirical evidence that pre-trained representations develop a cross-lingually entangled notion of morphosyntax.

The average predictability (aka informativity) of a word in context has been shown to condition word duration (Seyfarth, 2014). All else being equal, words that tend to occur in more predictable environments are shorter than words that tend to occur in less predictable environments. One account of the informativity effect on duration is that the acoustic details of probabilistic reduction are stored as part of a word's mental representation. Other research has argued that predictability effects are tied to prosodic structure in integral ways. With the aim of assessing a potential prosodic basis for informativity effects in speech production, this study extends past work in two directions; it investigated informativity effects in another large language, Mandarin Chinese, and broadened the study beyond word duration to additional acoustic dimensions, pitch and intensity, known to index prosodic prominence. The acoustic information of content words was extracted from a large telephone conversation speech corpus with over 400,000 tokens and 6,000 word types spoken by 1,655 individuals and analyzed for the effect of informativity using frequency statistics estimated from a 431 million word subtitle corpus. Results indicated that words with low informativity have shorter durations, replicating the effect found in English. In addition, informativity had significant effects on maximum pitch and intensity, two phonetic dimensions related to prosodic prominence. Extending this interpretation, these results suggest that predictability is closely linked to prosodic prominence, and that the lexical representation of a word includes phonetic details associated with its average prosodic prominence in discourse. In other words, the lexicon absorbs prosodic influences on speech production.

Pretraining data has a direct impact on the behaviors and quality of language models (LMs), but we only understand the most basic principles of this relationship. While most work focuses on pretraining data's effect on downstream task behavior, we investigate its relationship to LM representations. Previous work has discovered that, in language models, some concepts are encoded `linearly' in the representations, but what factors cause these representations to form? We study the connection between pretraining data frequency and models' linear representations of factual relations. We find evidence that the formation of linear representations is strongly connected to pretraining term frequencies; specifically for subject-relation-object fact triplets, both subject-object co-occurrence frequency and in-context learning accuracy for the relation are highly correlated with linear representations. This is the case across all phases of pretraining. In OLMo-7B and GPT-J, we discover that a linear representation consistently (but not exclusively) forms when the subjects and objects within a relation co-occur at least 1k and 2k times, respectively, regardless of when these occurrences happen during pretraining. Finally, we train a regression model on measurements of linear representation quality in fully-trained LMs that can predict how often a term was seen in pretraining. Our model achieves low error even on inputs from a different model with a different pretraining dataset, providing a new method for estimating properties of the otherwise-unknown training data of closed-data models. We conclude that the strength of linear representations in LMs contains signal about the models' pretraining corpora that may provide new avenues for controlling and improving model behavior: particularly, manipulating the models' training data to meet specific frequency thresholds.

Several pre-training objectives, such as masked language modeling (MLM), have been proposed to pre-train language models (e.g. BERT) with the aim of learning better language representations. However, to the best of our knowledge, no previous work so far has investigated how different pre-training objectives affect what BERT learns about linguistics properties. We hypothesize that linguistically motivated objectives such as MLM should help BERT to acquire better linguistic knowledge compared to other non-linguistically motivated objectives that are not intuitive or hard for humans to guess the association between the input and the label to be predicted. To this end, we pre-train BERT with two linguistically motivated objectives and three non-linguistically motivated ones. We then probe for linguistic characteristics encoded in the representation of the resulting models. We find strong evidence that there are only small differences in probing performance between the representations learned by the two different types of objectives. These surprising results question the dominant narrative of linguistically informed pre-training.

Does vision-and-language (VL) training change the linguistic representations of language models in meaningful ways? Most results in the literature have shown inconsistent or marginal differences, both behaviorally and representationally. In this work, we start from the hypothesis that the domain in which VL training could have a significant effect is lexical-conceptual knowledge, in particular its taxonomic organization. Through comparing minimal pairs of text-only LMs and their VL-trained counterparts, we first show that the VL models often outperform their text-only counterparts on a text-only question-answering task that requires taxonomic understanding of concepts mentioned in the questions. Using an array of targeted behavioral and representational analyses, we show that the LMs and VLMs do not differ significantly in terms of their taxonomic knowledge itself, but they differ in how they represent questions that contain concepts in a taxonomic relation vs. a non-taxonomic relation. This implies that the taxonomic knowledge itself does not change substantially through additional VL training, but VL training does improve the deployment of this knowledge in the context of a specific task, even when the presentation of the task is purely linguistic.

Children acquire language grounding with remarkable robustness from limited visuo-linguistic input in ways that surpass today's best large multimodal models. Recent research suggests current vision-language models (VLMs) trained on curated web data fail to generalize to the sparse, weakly-aligned egocentric streams produced by wearable devices, embodied agents, and infant head-cams -- and no fixed evaluation pipeline exists for measuring progress on this regime. We train VLMs on datasets with varying degrees of semantic alignment between visual and linguistic inputs, including naturalistic infant and adult egocentric videos, and evaluate them with a comprehensive suite spanning multimodal language grounding and unimodal vision and language tasks. At the core of this suite is Machine-DevBench, a corpus-grounded benchmark of lexical and grammatical competence, automatically generated from the model's training vocabulary across logarithmic frequency bins to eliminate the train/eval mismatch and low statistical power of prior developmental benchmarks. Our results show that current VLM paradigms hinge on the tight semantic alignment of curated data and fail to exploit the weakly-aligned signal that dominates naturalistic egocentric input -- the very regime in which humans thrive. To motivate progress, we introduce the EgoBabyVLM Challenge to drive the development of models capable of grounded language learning from the kind of naturalistic data that human infants experience.

Whereas machine learning models typically learn language by directly training on language tasks (e.g., next-word prediction), language emerges in human children as a byproduct of solving non-language tasks (e.g., acquiring food). Motivated by this observation, we ask: can embodied reinforcement learning (RL) agents also indirectly learn language from non-language tasks? Learning to associate language with its meaning requires a dynamic environment with varied language. Therefore, we investigate this question in a multi-task environment with language that varies across the different tasks. Specifically, we design an office navigation environment, where the agent's goal is to find a particular office, and office locations differ in different buildings (i.e., tasks). Each building includes a floor plan with a simple language description of the goal office's location, which can be visually read as an RGB image when visited. We find RL agents indeed are able to indirectly learn language. Agents trained with current meta-RL algorithms successfully generalize to reading floor plans with held-out layouts and language phrases, and quickly navigate to the correct office, despite receiving no direct language supervision.

Children can acquire language from less than 100 million words of input. Large language models are far less data-efficient: they typically require 3 or 4 orders of magnitude more data and still do not perform as well as humans on many evaluations. These intensive resource demands limit the ability of researchers to train new models and use existing models as developmentally plausible cognitive models. The BabyLM Challenge is a communal effort in which participants compete to optimize language model training on a fixed data budget. Submissions are compared on various evaluation tasks targeting grammatical ability, downstream task performance, and generalization. Participants can submit to up to three tracks with progressively looser data restrictions. From over 30 submissions, we extract concrete recommendations on how best to train data-efficient language models, and on where future efforts should (and perhaps should not) focus. The winning submissions using the LTG-BERT architecture (Samuel et al., 2023) outperformed models trained on trillions of words. Other submissions achieved strong results through training on shorter input sequences or training a student model on a pretrained teacher. Curriculum learning attempts, which accounted for a large number of submissions, were largely unsuccessful, though some showed modest improvements.

Recent studies have put into question the belief that emergent abilities in language models are exclusive to large models. This skepticism arises from two observations: 1) smaller models can also exhibit high performance on emergent abilities and 2) there is doubt on the discontinuous metrics used to measure these abilities. In this paper, we propose to study emergent abilities in the lens of pre-training loss, instead of model size or training compute. We demonstrate that the models with the same pre-training loss, but different model and data sizes, generate the same performance on various downstream tasks. We also discover that a model exhibits emergent abilities on certain tasks -- regardless of the continuity of metrics -- when its pre-training loss falls below a specific threshold. Before reaching this threshold, its performance remains at the level of random guessing. This inspires us to redefine emergent abilities as those that manifest in models with lower pre-training losses, highlighting that these abilities cannot be predicted by merely extrapolating the performance trends of models with higher pre-training losses.

Large language models (LLMs) can perform remarkably complex tasks, yet the fine-grained details of how these capabilities emerge during pretraining remain poorly understood. Scaling laws on validation loss tell us how much a model improves with additional compute, but not what skills it acquires in which order. To remedy this, we propose the Implicit Curriculum Hypothesis: pretraining follows a compositional and predictable curriculum across models and data mixtures. We test this by designing a suite of simple, composable tasks spanning retrieval, morphological transformations, coreference, logical reasoning, and mathematics. Using these tasks, we track emergence points across four model families spanning sizes from 410M-13B parameters. We find that emergence orderings of when models reach fixed accuracy thresholds are strikingly consistent (ρ= .81 across 45 model pairs), and that composite tasks most often emerge after their component tasks. Furthermore, we find that this structure is encoded in model representations: tasks with similar function vector representations also tend to follow similar trajectories in training. By using the space of representations derived from our task set, we can effectively predict the training trajectories of simple held-out compositional tasks throughout the course of pretraining (R^2 = .68-.84 across models) without previously evaluating them. Together, these results suggest that pretraining is more structured than loss curves reveal: skills emerge in a compositional order that is consistent across models and readable from their internals.

Large Language Models (LLMs) are claimed to be capable of Natural Language Inference (NLI), necessary for applied tasks like question answering and summarization. We present a series of behavioral studies on several LLM families (LLaMA, GPT-3.5, and PaLM) which probe their behavior using controlled experiments. We establish two biases originating from pretraining which predict much of their behavior, and show that these are major sources of hallucination in generative LLMs. First, memorization at the level of sentences: we show that, regardless of the premise, models falsely label NLI test samples as entailing when the hypothesis is attested in training data, and that entities are used as ``indices'' to access the memorized data. Second, statistical patterns of usage learned at the level of corpora: we further show a similar effect when the premise predicate is less frequent than that of the hypothesis in the training data, a bias following from previous studies. We demonstrate that LLMs perform significantly worse on NLI test samples which do not conform to these biases than those which do, and we offer these as valuable controls for future LLM evaluation.

We provide a syllabification algorithm for the Divine Comedy using techniques from probabilistic and constraint programming. We particularly focus on the synalephe, addressed in terms of the "propensity" of a word to take part in a synalephe with adjacent words. We jointly provide an online vocabulary containing, for each word, information about its syllabification, the location of the tonic accent, and the aforementioned synalephe propensity, on the left and right sides. The algorithm is intrinsically nondeterministic, producing different possible syllabifications for each verse, with different likelihoods; metric constraints relative to accents on the 10th, 4th and 6th syllables are used to further reduce the solution space. The most likely syllabification is hence returned as output. We believe that this work could be a major milestone for a lot of different investigations. From the point of view of digital humanities it opens new perspectives on computer assisted analysis of digital sources, comprising automated detection of anomalous and problematic cases, metric clustering of verses and their categorization, or more foundational investigations addressing e.g. the phonetic roles of consonants and vowels. From the point of view of text processing and deep learning, information about syllabification and the location of accents opens a wide range of exciting perspectives, from the possibility of automatic learning syllabification of words and verses, to the improvement of generative models, aware of metric issues, and more respectful of the expected musicality.

Lip reading has received increasing attention in recent years. This paper focuses on the synergy of multilingual lip reading. There are about as many as 7000 languages in the world, which implies that it is impractical to train separate lip reading models with large-scale data for each language. Although each language has its own linguistic and pronunciation rules, the lip movements of all languages share similar patterns due to the common structures of human organs. Based on this idea, we try to explore the synergized learning of multilingual lip reading in this paper, and further propose a synchronous bidirectional learning (SBL) framework for effective synergy of multilingual lip reading. We firstly introduce phonemes as our modeling units for the multilingual setting here. Phonemes are more closely related with the lip movements than the alphabet letters. At the same time, similar phonemes always lead to similar visual patterns no matter which type the target language is. Then, a novel SBL block is proposed to learn the rules for each language in a fill-in-the-blank way. Specifically, the model has to learn to infer the target unit given its bidirectional context, which could represent the composition rules of phonemes for each language. To make the learning process more targeted at each particular language, an extra task of predicting the language identity is introduced in the learning process. Finally, a thorough comparison on LRW (English) and LRW-1000 (Mandarin) is performed, which shows the promising benefits from the synergized learning of different languages and also reports a new state-of-the-art result on both datasets.

Curriculum learning has shown promise in improving training efficiency and generalization in various machine learning domains, yet its potential in pretraining language models remains underexplored, prompting our work as the first systematic investigation in this area. We experimented with different settings, including vanilla curriculum learning, pacing-based sampling, and interleaved curricula-guided by six difficulty metrics spanning linguistic and information-theoretic perspectives. We train models under these settings and evaluate their performance on eight diverse benchmarks. Our experiments reveal that curriculum learning consistently improves convergence in early and mid-training phases, and can yield lasting gains when used as a warmup strategy with up to 3.5% improvement. Notably, we identify compression ratio, lexical diversity, and readability as effective difficulty signals across settings. Our findings highlight the importance of data ordering in large-scale pretraining and provide actionable insights for scalable, data-efficient model development under realistic training scenarios.

Recent progress in Spoken Language Modeling has demonstrated the feasibility of learning language directly from speech. Generating speech through a pipeline that operates at the text level typically loses nuances, intonations, and non-verbal vocalizations. Modeling directly from speech opens up the path to more natural and expressive systems. On the other hand, speech-only systems tend to trail behind text-based language models in terms of their semantic abilities. We show that fine-tuning speech representation models on phoneme classification leads to more context-invariant representations, which in turn improve downstream language modeling performance.

Language models strongly rely on frequency information because they maximize the likelihood of tokens during pre-training. As a consequence, language models tend to not generalize well to tokens that are seldom seen during training. Moreover, maximum likelihood training has been discovered to give rise to anisotropy: representations of tokens in a model tend to cluster tightly in a high-dimensional cone, rather than spreading out over their representational capacity. Our work introduces a method for quantifying the frequency bias of a language model by assessing sentence-level perplexity with respect to token-level frequency. We then present a method for reducing the frequency bias of a language model by inducing a syntactic prior over token representations during pre-training. Our Syntactic Smoothing method adjusts the maximum likelihood objective function to distribute the learning signal to syntactically similar tokens. This approach results in better performance on infrequent English tokens and a decrease in anisotropy. We empirically show that the degree of anisotropy in a model correlates with its frequency bias.

When prompting a language model (LM), users frequently expect the model to adhere to a set of behavioral principles across diverse tasks, such as producing insightful content while avoiding harmful or biased language. Instilling such principles into a model can be resource-intensive and technically challenging, generally requiring human preference labels or examples. We introduce SAMI, a method for teaching a pretrained LM to follow behavioral principles that does not require any preference labels or demonstrations. SAMI is an iterative algorithm that finetunes a pretrained LM to increase the conditional mutual information between constitutions and self-generated responses given queries from a datasest. On single-turn dialogue and summarization, a SAMI-trained mistral-7b outperforms the initial pretrained model, with win rates between 66% and 77%. Strikingly, it also surpasses an instruction-finetuned baseline (mistral-7b-instruct) with win rates between 55% and 57% on single-turn dialogue. SAMI requires a "principle writer" model; to avoid dependence on stronger models, we further evaluate aligning a strong pretrained model (mixtral-8x7b) using constitutions written by a weak instruction-finetuned model (mistral-7b-instruct). The SAMI-trained mixtral-8x7b outperforms both the initial model and the instruction-finetuned model, achieving a 65% win rate on summarization. Our results indicate that a pretrained LM can learn to follow constitutions without using preference labels, demonstrations, or human oversight.

Large Language Models (LLMs) demonstrate human-level or even superior language abilities, effectively modeling syntactic structures, yet the specific computational modules responsible remain unclear. A key question is whether LLM behavioral capabilities stem from mechanisms akin to those in the human brain. To address these questions, we introduce the Hierarchical Frequency Tagging Probe (HFTP), a tool that utilizes frequency-domain analysis to identify neuron-wise components of LLMs (e.g., individual Multilayer Perceptron (MLP) neurons) and cortical regions (via intracranial recordings) encoding syntactic structures. Our results show that models such as GPT-2, Gemma, Gemma 2, Llama 2, Llama 3.1, and GLM-4 process syntax in analogous layers, while the human brain relies on distinct cortical regions for different syntactic levels. Representational similarity analysis reveals a stronger alignment between LLM representations and the left hemisphere of the brain (dominant in language processing). Notably, upgraded models exhibit divergent trends: Gemma 2 shows greater brain similarity than Gemma, while Llama 3.1 shows less alignment with the brain compared to Llama 2. These findings offer new insights into the interpretability of LLM behavioral improvements, raising questions about whether these advancements are driven by human-like or non-human-like mechanisms, and establish HFTP as a valuable tool bridging computational linguistics and cognitive neuroscience. This project is available at https://github.com/LilTiger/HFTP.

Despite advancements in English-dominant generative large language models, further development is needed for low-resource languages to enhance global accessibility. The primary methods for representing these languages are monolingual and multilingual pretraining. Monolingual pretraining is expensive due to hardware requirements, and multilingual models often have uneven performance across languages. This study explores an alternative solution by adapting large language models, primarily trained on English, to low-resource languages. We assess various strategies, including continual training, instruction fine-tuning, task-specific fine-tuning, and vocabulary extension. The results show that continual training improves language comprehension, as reflected in perplexity scores, and task-specific tuning generally enhances performance of downstream tasks. However, extending the vocabulary shows no substantial benefits. Additionally, while larger models improve task performance with few-shot tuning, multilingual models perform worse than their monolingual counterparts when adapted.

Today's large language models (LLMs) routinely generate coherent, grammatical and seemingly meaningful paragraphs of text. This achievement has led to speculation that these networks are -- or will soon become -- "thinking machines", capable of performing tasks that require abstract knowledge and reasoning. Here, we review the capabilities of LLMs by considering their performance on two different aspects of language use: 'formal linguistic competence', which includes knowledge of rules and patterns of a given language, and 'functional linguistic competence', a host of cognitive abilities required for language understanding and use in the real world. Drawing on evidence from cognitive neuroscience, we show that formal competence in humans relies on specialized language processing mechanisms, whereas functional competence recruits multiple extralinguistic capacities that comprise human thought, such as formal reasoning, world knowledge, situation modeling, and social cognition. In line with this distinction, LLMs show impressive (although imperfect) performance on tasks requiring formal linguistic competence, but fail on many tests requiring functional competence. Based on this evidence, we argue that (1) contemporary LLMs should be taken seriously as models of formal linguistic skills; (2) models that master real-life language use would need to incorporate or develop not only a core language module, but also multiple non-language-specific cognitive capacities required for modeling thought. Overall, a distinction between formal and functional linguistic competence helps clarify the discourse surrounding LLMs' potential and provides a path toward building models that understand and use language in human-like ways.

This study explores an LLM's ability to learn new languages using explanations found in a grammar book, a process we term "explicit learning." To rigorously assess this ability, we design controlled translation experiments between English and constructed languages generated, through specific cryptographic means, from Latin or French. Contrary to previous studies, our results demonstrate that LLMs do possess a measurable capacity for explicit learning. This ability, however, diminishes as the complexity of the linguistic phenomena to be learned increases. Supervised fine-tuning on ad hoc chains of thought significantly enhances LLM performance but struggles to generalize to typologically novel or more complex linguistic features. These findings point to the need for more diverse training sets and alternative fine-tuning strategies to further improve explicit learning by LLMs, benefiting low-resource languages typically described in grammar books but lacking extensive corpora.

There exist three approaches for multilingual and crosslingual automatic speech recognition (MCL-ASR) - supervised pretraining with phonetic or graphemic transcription, and self-supervised pretraining. We find that pretraining with phonetic supervision has been underappreciated so far for MCL-ASR, while conceptually it is more advantageous for information sharing between different languages. This paper explores the approach of pretraining with weakly phonetic supervision towards data-efficient MCL-ASR, which is called Whistle. We relax the requirement of gold-standard human-validated phonetic transcripts, and obtain International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) based transcription by leveraging the LanguageNet grapheme-to-phoneme (G2P) models. We construct a common experimental setup based on the CommonVoice dataset, called CV-Lang10, with 10 seen languages and 2 unseen languages. A set of experiments are conducted on CV-Lang10 to compare, as fair as possible, the three approaches under the common setup for MCL-ASR. Experiments demonstrate the advantages of phoneme-based models (Whistle) for MCL-ASR, in terms of speech recognition for seen languages, crosslingual performance for unseen languages with different amounts of few-shot data, overcoming catastrophic forgetting, and training efficiency. It is found that when training data is more limited, phoneme supervision can achieve better results compared to subword supervision and self-supervision, thereby providing higher data-efficiency. To support reproducibility and promote future research along this direction, we release the code, models and data for the entire pipeline of Whistle at https://github.com/thu-spmi/CAT/tree/master/egs/cv-lang10.

The disparity in phonology between learner's native (L1) and target (L2) language poses a significant challenge for mispronunciation detection and diagnosis (MDD) systems. This challenge is further intensified by lack of annotated L2 data. This paper proposes a novel MDD architecture that exploits multiple `views' of the same input data assisted by auxiliary tasks to learn more distinctive phonetic representation in a low-resource setting. Using the mono- and multilingual encoders, the model learn multiple views of the input, and capture the sound properties across diverse languages and accents. These encoded representations are further enriched by learning articulatory features in a multi-task setup. Our reported results using the L2-ARCTIC data outperformed the SOTA models, with a phoneme error rate reduction of 11.13% and 8.60% and absolute F1 score increase of 5.89%, and 2.49% compared to the single-view mono- and multilingual systems, with a limited L2 dataset.

Large language models (LLMs) operate in two fundamental learning modes - fine-tuning (FT) and in-context learning (ICL) - raising key questions about which mode yields greater language proficiency and whether they differ in their inductive biases. Prior studies comparing FT and ICL have yielded mixed and inconclusive results due to inconsistent experimental setups. To enable a rigorous comparison, we propose a formal language learning task - offering precise language boundaries, controlled string sampling, and no data contamination - and introduce a discriminative test for language proficiency, where an LLM succeeds if it assigns higher generation probability to in-language strings than to out-of-language strings. Empirically, we find that: (a) FT has greater language proficiency than ICL on in-distribution generalization, but both perform equally well on out-of-distribution generalization. (b) Their inductive biases, measured by the correlation in string generation probabilities, are similar when both modes partially learn the language but diverge at higher proficiency levels. (c) Unlike FT, ICL performance differs substantially across models of varying sizes and families and is sensitive to the token vocabulary of the language. Thus, our work demonstrates the promise of formal languages as a controlled testbed for evaluating LLMs, behaviors that are difficult to isolate in natural language datasets. Our source code is available at https://github.com/bishwamittra/formallm.

In recent years, there has been growing interest in representing speech with discrete tokens, which serve as pseudo-text for speech language models (speechLMs) and as efficient intermediate representations for downstream tasks. These tokens are typically categorized as acoustic and phonetic tokens: the former holds detailed acoustic information for reconstruction while the latter mainly captures linguistic content. In human speech communication, however, unnecessary acoustic details such as speaker information are abstracted, while both linguistic and prosodic information are utilized for speech comprehension and production. Given this, neither type of token seems an ideal representation for tasks sensitive to prosody, such as speechLMs. In this study, we propose the Phonological Tokenizer, a method that fine-tunes phonetic tokens via differentiable k-means with a multi-task objective of ASR and speech resynthesis. Experimental validation on diverse tasks confirms that our tokens retain phonological (both linguistic and prosodic) information while appropriately discarding speaker identity.

Today's probabilistic language generators fall short when it comes to producing coherent and fluent text despite the fact that the underlying models perform well under standard metrics, e.g., perplexity. This discrepancy has puzzled the language generation community for the last few years. In this work, we posit that the abstraction of natural language generation as a discrete stochastic process--which allows for an information-theoretic analysis--can provide new insights into the behavior of probabilistic language generators, e.g., why high-probability texts can be dull or repetitive. Humans use language as a means of communicating information, aiming to do so in a simultaneously efficient and error-minimizing manner; in fact, psycholinguistics research suggests humans choose each word in a string with this subconscious goal in mind. We formally define the set of strings that meet this criterion: those for which each word has an information content close to the expected information content, i.e., the conditional entropy of our model. We then propose a simple and efficient procedure for enforcing this criterion when generating from probabilistic models, which we call locally typical sampling. Automatic and human evaluations show that, in comparison to nucleus and top-k sampling, locally typical sampling offers competitive performance (in both abstractive summarization and story generation) in terms of quality while consistently reducing degenerate repetitions.

Recently proposed self-supervised learning approaches have been successful for pre-training speech representation models. The utility of these learned representations has been observed empirically, but not much has been studied about the type or extent of information encoded in the pre-trained representations themselves. Developing such insights can help understand the capabilities and limits of these models and enable the research community to more efficiently develop their usage for downstream applications. In this work, we begin to fill this gap by examining one recent and successful pre-trained model (wav2vec 2.0), via its intermediate representation vectors, using a suite of analysis tools. We use the metrics of canonical correlation, mutual information, and performance on simple downstream tasks with non-parametric probes, in order to (i) query for acoustic and linguistic information content, (ii) characterize the evolution of information across model layers, and (iii) understand how fine-tuning the model for automatic speech recognition (ASR) affects these observations. Our findings motivate modifying the fine-tuning protocol for ASR, which produces improved word error rates in a low-resource setting.

Without explicit feedback, humans can rapidly learn the meaning of words. Children can acquire a new word after just a few passive exposures, a process known as fast mapping. This word learning capability is believed to be the most fundamental building block of multimodal understanding and reasoning. Despite recent advancements in multimodal learning, a systematic and rigorous evaluation is still missing for human-like word learning in machines. To fill in this gap, we introduce the MachinE Word Learning (MEWL) benchmark to assess how machines learn word meaning in grounded visual scenes. MEWL covers human's core cognitive toolkits in word learning: cross-situational reasoning, bootstrapping, and pragmatic learning. Specifically, MEWL is a few-shot benchmark suite consisting of nine tasks for probing various word learning capabilities. These tasks are carefully designed to be aligned with the children's core abilities in word learning and echo the theories in the developmental literature. By evaluating multimodal and unimodal agents' performance with a comparative analysis of human performance, we notice a sharp divergence in human and machine word learning. We further discuss these differences between humans and machines and call for human-like few-shot word learning in machines.

Children's speech recognition remains challenging due to substantial acoustic and linguistic variability, limited labeled data, and significant differences from adult speech. Speech foundation models can address these challenges through Speech In-Context Learning (SICL), allowing adaptation to new domains without fine-tuning. However, the effectiveness of SICL depends on how in-context examples are selected. We extend an existing retrieval-based method, Text-Embedding KNN for SICL (TICL), introducing an acoustic reranking step to create TICL+. This extension prioritizes examples that are both semantically and acoustically aligned with the test input. Experiments on four children's speech corpora show that TICL+ achieves up to a 53.3% relative word error rate reduction over zero-shot performance and 37.6% over baseline TICL, highlighting the value of combining semantic and acoustic information for robust, scalable ASR in children's speech.

We present the call for papers for the BabyLM Challenge: Sample-efficient pretraining on a developmentally plausible corpus. This shared task is intended for participants with an interest in small scale language modeling, human language acquisition, low-resource NLP, and cognitive modeling. In partnership with CoNLL and CMCL, we provide a platform for approaches to pretraining with a limited-size corpus sourced from data inspired by the input to children. The task has three tracks, two of which restrict the training data to pre-released datasets of 10M and 100M words and are dedicated to explorations of approaches such as architectural variations, self-supervised objectives, or curriculum learning. The final track only restricts the amount of text used, allowing innovation in the choice of the data, its domain, and even its modality (i.e., data from sources other than text is welcome). We will release a shared evaluation pipeline which scores models on a variety of benchmarks and tasks, including targeted syntactic evaluations and natural language understanding.